Chinas Hong Kong - Research Paper Example

China’s Hong Kong Executive summary The city of Hong Kong braces the recent wave of protest in which thousands of people have gathered to demand their political rights and the universal suffrage. Globalization and universal suffrage are two main drivers behind this wave of protest in the streets of Hong Kong. Around one per cent population of Hong Kong has realized that they want their political rights and such political system in which they can cast their vote and choose their political leaders. However, the remaining 99 per cent does not agree with this point of view. Introduction On 1 July 2003, more than 500,000 citizens of Hong Kong recorded their disapproval relating to the proposed security legislation and simultaneously demanded political change in the existing political system in the country (Cheng 1). This protest has been continued till this point of time. Historically, the city of Hong Kong has enjoyed much social and economic freedom. However, this freedom is only limited to the non-political aspects and the political aspect has not been extended to the people of Hong Kong as the existing political administration is being controlled by Beijing which does not believe in democracy and democratic norms. And this has largely affected the social fabric of Hong Kong as this political divide has considerably created rift in the society in which both supporters and dissenters to the political system exist. In the following parts of this paper, first protest background has been given in which historical perspective relating to political system has been provided. It is followed by the methodology section highlighting the research strategy for collecting the related data. Before the conclusion part, different aspects relating to Central have been discussed and elaborated as well. Protest background Hong Kong is a strange city where major types of social and economic rights exist and are exercised by the citizens of this city. Its current political system is based on ‘executive-led’ system in which Beijing and China extend authoritative powers to the executive branch having authority to take administrative and political decisions besides exercising unquestioned political authority for implementing the administrative decisions without requiring approval from Hong Kong’s political structure and the judiciary (Gittings 93). And, this political system, which is not based on the true concept of the universal suffrage and democratic norms, is filled with a number of defects which have become inbuilt characteristics representing the presence and implementation of colonial political system without enabling or facilitating the social and political structure in the city of Hong Kong for the last two decades (Ngok 4). Moreover, Hong Kong’s political system is a product of British colonialism in which bureaucracy, judiciary and political institutions have been given more importance and have been mainly used for carrying out the political and administrative decisions (Rioni 194). Consequently, this absence of universal suffrage has created a political and social vacuum in which no interaction exists between masses and their political system and political leaders as well. Moreover, Hong Kong’s existing constitution, known as the Basic Law, encourages and supports the development of democratic processes in the city (BBC News Asia). However, this support is mainly reliant on the two systems, which are directly controlled and managed by China as this situation further hardens the process of universal suffrage because China is fully empowered to veto any political process that it considers is against the political interests of Being (BBC News Asia). And such dominance and control can be observed when the Chinese leadership issued a serious warning to the Hong Kong government for taking into confidence before making any political changes in the city (Chan 323). Within this context, Chan argues that the pro-Beijing supporters insist that the people of Hong Kong are not ready for democracy; consequently, such demand for political rights and universal suffrage are yet to be extended to the people of Hong Kong (323). Methodology Qualitative methodology has been used for carrying out the research on the topic. Under this framework, the researcher uses one’s own subjective understanding for carrying out the process of evaluation and analysis. Before analyzing the data, the researcher has used the secondary data from the reliable sources so as to attain the objectives of this paper. In order to effectively conduct the analysis process, the researcher has included the perspectives from both sides. Mostly, academic books, journal articles and authentic and reliable newspaper have been accessed for collecting the required and relevant data. Democracy and universal suffrage Social production and social construction Both social production and social construction possess different meaning. Low separately defines both social production of space and social construction of space by saying that the former refers to all those technological, social, ideological and economic factors which provide physical creation of the material setting; within this context, materialistic setting highlights and defines political, economic and historical formation and development of urban space whereas the latter represents non-physical settings which are constructed through social processes, such as exchange, control and conflict by providing symbolic outlook or experience of space (861). Within this background, it has also been emphasized that both social production of space and social construction of space have been identified as a social process through which economic and ideological causes are contested (Low 862). The same situation is reflected by the political movement, Occupy Central, in the city of Hong Kong. From an economic perspective, Central is a hub for economic and financial activities which facilitate the social and financial activities. In other words, this place has material importance not only for the employees working around Central but also for the government of Hong Kong. In this regard, it is important to highlight that the city government of Hong Kong receives taxes and tariffs from the companies and businesses operating in the area. Consequently, Central has prominent importance for the government as well. It is this significance that has economic outlook which is an important part of the social production of space. Similarly, Central has many offices of technological firms operating in the city and from the perspective of geography, Central is strategically located as well as it serves as the main traffic intersection point. In other words, Central has all those features that are directly attributed to the social production of space. And it is this point that has attracted an ideological struggle in the shape of attaining the universal suffrage which is an innate right of every citizen living in the city of Hong Kong. This struggle has political objectives which are being obtained through non-violent and peaceful protest. Till this point of time, the citizens of Hong Kong have not been given the opportunity to express their opinion in their political system and this denial has put serious effect on the social structure of the city as the feeling of discontent has spread throughout the city. And in order to express their strong opposition to the current form of political system and its constituent parts, the citizens have raised their voice against it by expressing their resistance using the source of protest at Central. In this regard, it is important to mention that this protest has been going on for many years as the first attempt of such protest was recorded in 2004 and it was thwarted and blocked by the pro-Beijing political administration; later in the month of September 2014, the same political struggle regained its momentum as the protestors recommended their protest by occupying Central with tents for recording their dissent against the current form of political governance in the city. Moreover, the symbolic or non-material value has been provided by many factors including globalization and social awareness in the masses regarding the importance of democracy and universal suffrage. The non-material part, which is social construction, is developed through creating and retaining culture which shares and exchange similar objectives, having a clarity regarding objectives and methods that are going to be employed for attaining objectives. Such clarity is very important as it enables the people, who create such culture through the process of social construction, to remain committed to the cause till the point of achievement. As history records many such protests in which protestors have tried to create a cultural environment in which mutual memories, ideas and other symbols are used for protecting the crux of the objective. Within this background, the role of new media of paramount importance as it offers the way through which a protest is introduced to government and those who are not aware of cause and objective behind the protest. However, place and time of protest are two important aspects and often only countable individuals witness the protest (Lee 2318). And due to this small coverage and limited number of people witnessing the protest, only larger media coverage which will take the protest objective to the authorities will directly serve the objective behind the protest; additionally, how the mainstream media portrays the protest by giving amount of coverage and type of angle to the main objective of protest are some important issues that directly affect the objectives behind the protest (Lee 2319). The media coverage to Central protest has been pretty mixed. The media supporting the cause of protest attaches considerable significance to the protestors by giving them prime time coverage and broadcasting the issues and opinions of the protestors; at the same time, the supportive media channels only show those factors that directly or indirectly support the objective of the protest and that is mainly done through giving more coverage than the normal or average coverage is given to any such issue. In contrast, pro-Beijing media channels, who strongly do not agree with the point of view of the protestors, give small coverage and only highlight the negative effects of the protest. For example, during this political protest at the Central, many channels broadcasted the economic ramifications in which economic and financial loss were highlighted reflecting the negative side of the protest and its subsequent consequences on the economy of Hong Kong. Suffrage and Citizenship rights: insurgent citizenship Urban life is more knowledgeable about the concept of universal suffrage. In the urban life, citizens are more connected to the social, economic and other types of system that regulate life in the urban structure. Citizens talk about their political and economic rights and issues that directly or indirectly affect their current living standard and future life as well. At the same time, media and other sources spreading information about happenings taking place in the political structure which is of vital significance for the urban citizens. Also, it is an established fact that the political system and political structure and its subsequent effects have overarching influence on the social, economic, religious, and other aspects of citizen life. As a result, people of every city, including Hong Kong, have every right to follow those social and political trends which are being followed in countries of the world. For example, in the Western countries, citizens have democratic rights under the framework of universal suffrage; they can vote out and vote in their political candidates through participating in the political system practiced in the Western countries. At the same time, almost all citizens of Hong Kong are fully aware of benefits which are being availed by the people living in those countries where democracy has provided its advantages and fruit to the masses. As a result, this wave has created a sense of understanding about the efficacy of democracy and democratic norms essential for healthy and prospering societies of the world. And it is that sense that has received attention and approval from the protestors marching in the streets of Hong Kong and demanding the universal suffrage. However, there exists opposing view to the protest; silent majority has not approved of the demand and method used for obtaining the universal suffrage. For example, Hong Kong’s total population is 7,112,688 in July 2014 (Central Intelligence Agency). And the number of occupants at the Central is 100,000 maximum at the height of the protest; and this figure has decreased to 10,000 (Lok-Chit and Denyer). Consequently, this reflects that only 1.4% of total population demands political rights (this is computed when 100,000 protestors are divided by the total population of Hong Kong) whereas the majority, which is around 98.6%, does not agree with the protestors’ point of view. In other words, this clearly demonstrates that the majority of citizens has rejected the demand and method used for obtaining the universal suffrage. At the same time, it also proves that the majority agrees with the current political system which is backed by the support and strong influence of Beijing. Additionally, the majority indirectly indicates that the existing political system has nothing that could take away their rights besides the democratic reforms process has also been carried out. Causes of Hong Kong protest Globalization has also increased awareness for achieving the objective of true suffrage. Hong Kong is one of the most crucial global cities of the world where economic growth is taking place rapidly. Thanks to the growing to usage of different forms of media, including the Internet, the people of this city have realized that it is their right to have access to all democratic norms that are necessary to effectively compete with other nations. For this competition, it is highly essential that they should have similar democratic environment and political rights that are being availed by the people living in the well-established democratic systems. Street market has been identified as ‘lived spaces’ (Ng 84). This perspective is being reflected by the protestors as they use the signs and different colored paintings for showing their presence and emphasis on their objective of the protest. They have made the city spatial through portraying their symbols and signs specific to their cause and objective behind the protest. Conclusion Globalization and universal suffrage are two main driving forces behind the protest at the Central. In many Western countries, democracy is celebrated as a way to cast vote and as an effective constituent part of the political system. As a result, this political system has largely enabled them to remain important part of political culture and political system as well. And this information relating to the universal suffrage is mainly provided by globalization which has enabled the people of Hong Kong to know their political rights and struggle for obtaining them. For this objective since 2003, they have been recording their protest against the existing political system in which they do not feel participated. Thereby, they have launched a campaign to occupy Central for achieving their objectives. The decision for this location is mainly influenced by the fact that the Central offers both social construction and social production through which their voice could be heard by the pro-Beijing political administration in Hong Kong. However, the current number of protestors is hardly 1 per cent of total number of people living in Hong Kong. Consequently, it would be very difficult to say that the majority is demanding and supporting the protest. Works cited BBC News Asia. “Hong Kong Profile.” BBC News. 2 Dec. 2014. Web. < http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-16517764> Central Intelligence Agency. The World Fact Book: Hong Kong. Central Intelligence Agency. Web. 13 Dec. 2014. Chan, K. Ming. Ed. China’s Hong Kong Transformed: Retrospect and Prospects Beyond the First Decade. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong. 2008. Print. Cheng, W. Edmund. Between Ritualistic Protest and Perpetual Struggle: Transformation of Activism in Postcolonial Hong Kong. Web. < http://www.psa.ac.uk/sites/default/files/conference/papers/2014/Between%20Ritualistic%20Protest%20and%20Perpetual%20Struggle.pdf> Gittings, Danny. Introduction to the Hong Kong Basic Law. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. 2013. Print. Lee, L.F. Francis. “Triggering the Protest Paradigm: Examining Factors Affecting News Coverage of Protests.” International Journal of Communication, 8 (2014), 2318-2339. Lok-Chit, Kris Cheng and Denyer, Simon. “Hong Kong Police dismantle pro-democracy protest site, making more than 200 arrests.” The Washington Post, 11 December 2014. Web. 14 Dec. 2014. < http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/hong-kong-authorities-begin-dismantling-barricades-at-main-protest-site/2014/12/11/eeea5487-14b5-46d8-b270-9d68032b361c_story.html>. Low, M. Setha. Spatializing Culture: the social production and social construction of public space in Costa Rica. American Ethnologist, 23: 4 (1996), 861-879 Ng, Mee-Kam. 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