The Impact of Religion on Assimilation - Literature review Example

229192The Impact of Religion on Assimilation The impact of religion on assimilation in the life of a deeply religious person is no doubt a profound one. If, for instance, a person who is of the Islamic faith and tradition moves from their point of origin where they were born into the faith and lived within a community of others who shared their faith and where faith was a central focus of their lives in private, public, politically, and economically; then it is to be expected that to remove themselves or to be removed from that environment, and to be inserted into an environment where that particular tradition is not the focus of the community, that there will be difficulty assimilating. That difficulty arises out of the distinct cultural and social differences that hold religion in a different perspective from one culture to the next. This does not mean that one culture has less faith. It simply means that each culture and society within that culture has traditions and especially religious practices. Often times these religious practices are traditional in nature. They are religious ceremonial traditions that have been passed down from one generation to the next, and often times go as back as an oral tradition. When we consider assimilation from one culture to the next, it is understandable that religious tradition can have an adverse impact on the individual ability to assimilate into the new cultural surroundings. It does not however mean that assimilation will not be accomplished. Shireen Hunter (2002) says that Islam is one of the fastest spreading religions in the world and has become Europe’s “second religion (Hunter 2002).” Hunter says that there are 15 million Muslims in Western Europe that have and maintain close ties and affiliations with the Islamic world (Hunter xiii). Hunter maintains that the spread of Islam throughout Western Europe was a peaceful assimilation (Hunter xiii), but that remains debatable when we consider the problems that have been the subject of public and world news that would suggest it has not been peaceful (Cole 2003 21). In France, the Algerian “memory” has impacted the relationship between the indigenous French and their Muslim immigrants since independence of Algeria in the 1960s (Cole 21). Today, second generation indigenous French-Muslims are disenfranchised (Cole 21), much the same as were America’s blacks in the post slavery years, until perhaps even the last decade. The religious beliefs of the Muslim community play a role in their disenfranchisement in France (Cole 21). Second generation Muslims who are French by birth right to the country, have found it difficult to assimilate into mainstream French society (Cole 21). As such, their Islamic connection has become stronger, and that poses a threat to many French in the modern world political picture where terrorism has become the response to religious differences. Religion has served as the impetus for migration to other geographic areas. As such, immigrants in the new geographical setting moved into middle class and lower middle class jobs (Kil and Silver 2006 95). Wilgang Kil and Harry Silver note this about historic trends involving religious migration: “Kreuzberg has always been a working-class migrant area, even since the 17th century arrival of the Protestant Huguenot refugees from France and East European immigrants laboring in its workshops and factories since the 19th century. After the Berlin Wall was built in 1961, the city faced severe labor shortages, (8) so the German government recruited guest workers from Southern Europe and Turkey to West Berlin. In 1962, about two-thirds of the new guest-workers resided in municipal or privately owned hostels. (9) Because Kreuzberg was adjacent to the Berlin Wall and much of the housing was dilapidated and lacked modern conveniences, rent was cheap. There was less competition from Germans and less discrimination by landlords. All this attracted many of the citys 180,000 Turks (as of 2003) and other immigrant workers to make their home there (Kil and Silver 95).” The intent here is not to suggest that difficulty in assimilating is the problem or responsibility of the new geographical setting. It is indeed incumbent upon the immigrant to assimilate into the new social setting. Most nations embrace cultural diversity, except when that culture becomes contentious with the norms and traditions of cultural setting in which the immigrant has migrated to. “In the meantime, with continuing immigration, Berlin became the largest Turkish city outside Turkey. In the Kottbusser Tor area of Kreuzberg, non-German citizens comprise 55.2 percent of the population. (12) Turkish residents of Kreuzberg, even second and third generation Germans of Turkish background, feel comfortable and secure in their neighborhood--some even feel anxious when they leave it for other areas of Berlin. At the same time, they maintain transnational identities, creatively blending the cultures of Berlin and their imaginary homelands. This has made Kreuzberg into a "diasporic space" with its own web of social institutions, norms, values, and even language. (13) Turkish internet cafes, television stations, newspapers, travel agencies, and other "transnational intermediaries" are among the flourishing ethnic businesses in the neighborhood, helping to knit dense social ties across space. (14) Political organizations, social service agencies, mosques, and other institutions round out the community (Kil and Silver 95).” When a second or third generation immigrant does not feel entirely comfortable out side of their own enclave of ethnicity, then it is a problem that needs to be examined as to what problems contribute to the uneasiness of assimilation. The problems often are related to cultural ones, especially religious traditions. Madeline A. Richard (1991) says that ethnicity is a matter of definition (Richard 10). However, religion is not open to the more broad definitions of interpretation. “The tendency to treat ethnicity and religion as separate variables is evident in the analysis of religious trends in general, in the emergence of the triple melting pot theory (Kennedy 1944), and in the writings of those, like Herberg, who have argued that religious identification is replacing ethnic identity ( Greeley 1971:82) (Richard 10).” In terms of Islamic tradition, it is more difficult for those persons of this religious tradition to assimilate because Islam does not have a separation of church and state or social and civil law. Islamic is a religion that, in Muslim countries, permeates every facet of a Muslim’s life in order to be consistent with Islamic law that requires the teachings of the Prophet Mohammad to be the primary focus of a Muslim’s life about which all other things in life, including state and civil, revolve around. Except for Muslim countries, this is not the belief set the people who live in those countries, especially Europe, where Christianity continues to be the primary religion. One of the ways in which immigrant populations tend to assimilate into their new geographical settings is through intermarriage (Richard 23). However, Richard cites a 1950 study conducted by Ruby Jo Reeves Kennedy (1944, 1952) that demonstrated that “Next to race, religion was found to be the greatest barrier to intermarriage (Richard 24).” In terms of assimilating, then, it becomes increasing difficult for Muslims to fully assimilate as it would mean going against the laws of their religious tradition to marry other than another Muslim. Islamic religious leaders continue to exert a large influence over Muslims living outside of Muslim countries. Even in the United states, Richard says, religion tends to the primary reason that intermarriage among cultures does not occur (Richard 29). When intermarriage is not an option, then the migrating culture tends to build its own enclaves within the greater society. How long those two societies can co-exist depends on how willing the immigrant population is willing to remain disenfranchised. In France, the second third generation Muslim populations perceive themselves as French Muslims, and reject the social status of disenfranchisement. Shireen T. Hunter (2002) says that of all European countries, France has the largest population of people of Muslim origin (Hunter 3). As of 2002, there were 3.5 and 5 million Muslims in France (Hunter 3). Hunter points out: “The dynamics of the evolution of France’s Muslim community, particularly its relations with the state and broader society, also differ from those in other European countries, for three reasons: (1) The particular nature of the French concept of secularism (laicité), which is more strict than in other European countries and even has antireligion dimensions; (2) The close and complex relationship between France and its ex-colonies, especially Algeria. This factor makes France’s Muslims more vulnerable to the effect of events in their countries of origin, thus creating negative images of Islam that shape the attitudes of large segments of the French population toward Muslims; (3) Assimilationist tendencies in France, which have traditionally been very strong. Therefore, the perceived or real inability, or unwillingness, of many Muslims completely to assimilate into French society and culture has been difficult for most French people to accept (Hunter 3-4).” The immigrant Muslim population in France, and elsewhere, that continue to be lead by the religion rather than embracing and supporting the government of their new homeland, be it France or Germany, are not going to experience successful assimilation. When the events of the Muslim world and nations cause immigrants to respond to the civil authorities with violence and destruction, assimilation has not just failed, but may become impossible to achieve. The call by Islamic fundamentalists for jihad against Christians and non-Muslims is one that has been responded to by Muslim communities in their adopted countries around the world. Likewise, there are Muslims who staunchly support the laws of their adopted countries, and who, too, have come under fire and have been targeted by Islamic leaders for embracing their new homelands. Efforts are being made to understand European Muslim communities, and to avoid or to change the situation of disenfranchisement. In France, Hunter observes: “In the last few years, however, attitudes on both sides have begun to change in the face of two realities. First, broader society has realized that Islam in France is no longer a transitory phenomenon, in the sense that Muslims will neither return to their countries of origin nor completely assimilate into French culture. Rather, trends point toward the development of hybrid identities and the emergence of a new category of French Muslims who feel a sense of belonging and allegiance to France while remaining loyal to their religion. Second, Muslims increasingly want to become engaged within the social and political life of their country of residence and citizenship while retaining their Islamic character, even if there is no consensus within the community about what exactly being Islamic means. This dual attitude has forced governmental authorities at different levels to enter into various forms of dialogue and interaction with the Muslim community, thus setting in motion a gradual process of integration, although it is ad hoc, uneven, and incremental. Meanwhile, as in other European countries, France’s Muslim community is undergoing several processes of transformation, ranging from generational to cultural. In parallel, the dynamics of interaction between the Muslim community and mainstream society and its institutions are also evolving (Hunter 4).” Whether or not it is possible for Muslims to completely assimilate is perhaps too early in the history of the Muslim migration to project. However, it has not, nor does it show signs of becoming an easy transition for Muslims. In the case of Muslims, religion has indeed adversely impacted their ability to fully assimilate into non-Muslim societies. As such, they have not been able to fully experience the conditions of the societies into which they have migrated into. As time passes, as we have seen in France, this condition will manifest itself in the youth whose identity is indigenous, yet separate from that of the larger society because of religious traditions. At this point in time, unfortunately, there are no easy solutions to the problem, but it is a problem that warrants further understanding and research. Works Cited Cole, Joshua. "Remembering the Battle of Paris: 17 October 1961 in French and Algerian Memory." French Politics, Culture and Society 21.3 (2003): 21+. Questia. 3 June 2008 . Hunter, Shireen T., ed. Islam, Europes Second Religion : The New Social, Cultural, and Political Landscape /. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. Questia. 3 June 2008 . Kil, Wolfgang, and Hilary Silver. "From Kreuzberg to Marzahn: New Migrant Communities in Berlin." German Politics and Society 24.4 (2006): 95+. Questia. 3 June 2008 . Richard, Madeline A. Ethnic Groups and Marital Choices: Ethnic History and Marital Assimilation in Canada, 1871 and 1971. Vancouver, B.C.: University of British Columbia Press, 1991. Questia. 3 June 2008 . Read More