The Relationship between the KSA and Iran - Term Paper Example

Secondly, the chapter reviews the literature on the relationship between the KSA and Iran during the period between the 2003 fall of Saddam and the start of the Arab Spring, including proxy wars that occurred between 2003 and 2011. Thirdly, the chapter examines the history of nuclear negotiations between Iran and the P5+1, as well as the nuclear agreement of July 14, 2015. Fourthly, the chapter analyzes current relations between the KSA and Iran and digs into the state of play as far as the relationship between Tehran and the KSA is concerned. Penultimately, the chapter examines factors that affect the relationship between the KSA and Iran, including recent factors such as the Arab Spring, the nuclear deal of July 14, 2015, continuing proxy wars in Yemen and Syria, sectarian affinities as well as the role played by international players such as the US. Lastly, the chapter speculates on how the KSA and Iran are likely to relate in the future and gives odds for rapprochement between the two states based on the findings of literature review on the history of Iran-KSA relations and recent developments in the relationship between the two states.

• HISTORY OF IRAN-KSA RELATIONS
  • Introduction

Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) have always been rivals in one way or another because of the place they hold in the Middle East as leaders in oil production and marketing, as well as their position as leaders in Middle East politics. Although the relationship has experienced a couple of rosy times, the relationship between the two states has been largely antagonistic. Events occurring in the Middle East force the two states to confront each other, making it impossible for the two states to have lasting good diplomatic ties. Anyone can guess what the future holds for these two rival Middle East states.

• • Pre-revolution KSA-Iran relationship
    • Establishment of diplomatic relations

Early relations between the KSA and Iran were so uneventful that they could easily go unnoticed. In particular, in the period before the establishment of the dynasty of al-Saud, there are none or few events that can highlight how the two states related. However, notable relations started developing in the late 1920s after the establishment of the monarchy of al-Saud (Amiri and Soltani 2011, p. 189).

A significant relationship between the KSA and Iran can be dated back to the period that followed the establishment of the dynasty of al-Saud in the year 1928. Amiri and Soltani (2011, p. 189) explain that formal diplomatic relations between the two states started in the year 1929, immediately after the establishment of the al-Saud monarchy. According to Amiri and Soltani (2011), the period after the establishment of the dynasty of al-Saud in 1928 and before the dethronement of King Faysal in the 1958 coup de tat was characterized by a bland relationship between the two states. In the last quarter of that period, however, the British were increasingly worried about the growth of nationalism in the Gulf region (al-Saud 2003, p. 4). 

According to al-Saud (2003, p. 4), Bevin made attempts to come up with a strategy through which Britain could deal with the rise of nationalism by accommodating it while at the same time maintaining the regional stranglehold of Britain in the Gulf region. Al-Saud (2003, p. 4) further states that Bevin committed his country to a policy characterized by principles of non-interference, decolonization, and helping countries in the Gulf region realize socio-economic development while ensuring that Britain maintained its military presence in the region and that lines of economic exchange were maintained.

Bevin’s policy was arguably counter-productive because it could be the reason that the monarchy in Iraq collapsed in the year 1958 after King Faysal was overthrown by nationalists (Jahner 2012, p. 39). The 1958 change of leadership in Iraq had far-reaching consequences that can arguably be felt in the Middle East to the present day. 1.2.2 The 1960s and 1970s The aforementioned overthrow of King Faysal in Iraq led to closer ties between the KSA and Iran. In the year 1962, Iranian Prime Minister Amini Ali visited Saudi Arabia to attend the Saudi-organized pan-Islamic conference (al-Saud 2003, p. 9). Al-Saud (2003, p. 9) explains that Amini visited the KSA and that his itinerary included a visit to Mecca.

Further, al-Saud explains that Amini extended an invitation to the Saudi King to pay Iran a visit. In the year 1963, al-Saud (2003, p. 9) explains, Tehran formed a Persian Gulf Department within the Foreign Ministry of Iran, and the Prime Minister of Iran opened a Tehran seminar on modalities of increasing Gulf trade. The visits and apparent increased ties between the KSA and Iran were occasioned by shared concerns that populist revolts opposing monarchical regimes were probable in the region.

Thus the Shah in Iran, Muhammad Pahlavi and the King in the KSA started the series of frequent consultations exemplified above in a bid to have a coordinated regional policy, leading to a strengthened relationship between the two countries and their ruling families (Jahner 2012, p. 39). The synergy observed between the KSA and Iran during the mid-sixties was because the two ruling families in the two states shared a regime preservation interest, in addition to other concerns and goals that were shared by the two states during that period.

Jahner (2012, p. 39) believes that despite the fact that the main concern was to unite the two states in fighting radical-nationalist and socialist influences, the two states were also interested in making sure that the flow of gas and oil remained stable and that they increased their exports and consequently their wealth. Notably, the period of close ties between the KSA and Iran that lasted until the late 1970s was connoted by similar structures of government as well as non-clashing foreign and regional policies and goals.

According to Jahner (2012, p. 39) the sectarian card was insignificant at the time and it was therefore not a subject of discussion in bilateral talks. Jahner (2012, p. 39) explains that the main political issue during the time was not a Shiite-Sunni divide but a radical-conservative divide that was a threat to the monarchies of the Middle East. Jahner (2012, p. 39) believes that the observation that Sunni-Shiite divisions were insignificant prior to the Iranian Revolution of 1979 is a striking contrast to the contemporary tensions that exist between the two sectarian identities.

It also shows the degree to which sectarian identities were overcome by more significant international and domestic issues that occasioned the harmonious relationship between the two unlikely friends. Despite the successes of the 1960s and 1970s, harmonious relations between the KSA and Iran did not last. The 1979 dethronement of Pahlavi led to a drastic shift in the foreign policy adopted by Tehran, which was a threat to all regional monarchical regimes including the al-Saud monarchy (Jahner 2012, p. 39). According to Jahner (2012, p.