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The Winnipeg General Strike 1919 by Bumsted - Book Report/Review Example

Summary
This review "The Winnipeg General Strike 1919 by Bumsted" discusses the backdrop, reason, the planning, and opposition of the general strike. Workers arising from industrial groups went on strike to obtain recognition from the union as well as to force recognition of their combined bargaining rights…
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The Winnipeg General Strike 1919 by Bumsted
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The Winnipeg general strike 1919 Backdrop Several soldiers returning home at the end of the 1st World War, hoped to find a much better world they had anticipated. On the contrary, they met with difficult times that had beleaguered Canada causing discontent to increase. Things after the WW1in Canada, therefore, were not good and there was growing social tensions as these ex-service men returning home found a lot of immigrants crowding their cities as well as working at their previous jobs. This resulted in high unemployment rates especially amongst the returned ex-service men, compounded with their open dislike towards the immigrants. In addition, the soldiers had brought back the Spanish influenza from Europe leading to a mass sickness within Canada (Bumsted, 1994). Reason Things in the country got worse and tension would soon explode in Winnipeg. Thus post-war Canada saw shutting down of factories, prompting unemployment and bankruptcies. The ones employed found it difficult to keep up with the runaway inflation. In addition, the cost of living also hit rooftops settling at 64% in 1913 and people recalled the handsome profits manufacturers had got during the war period, seen as exploitation at the soldiers’ and workers’ expense. This made Canadians really angry and majority of the population wanted better working conditions and wages. For instance, railways specifically were laid in the prairie climate, hurting several of the employees within the mountains because of falling rocks as well as misusing of explosives. The workers were forced to sleep on the mountains staying in tents with overcrowded and unsanitary bunkhouses (Bumsted, 1994). Initially, majority of workers were content with ideal wage compensation, however, the company made deductions for overnight stay, blanket rental and transportation; something which finally motivated workers to revolt against it. Following 3 months of barren negotiations between the union and owners of the Winnipeg builders exchange, workers grew increasingly frustrated The new proposals put forth by city council were unacceptable to the 4 divisions, electrical workers sprung into action; thus effectively establishing the strike. Fire department as well as waterworks workers joined some days afterwards. Those striking were called Bulsheviks-trying to weaken Canada. This was something intolerable to the city council and therefore, striking workers were dismissed. This deterred no one and instead, all other unions in solidarity joined the strike due to sympathy, which apparently was a significant characteristic of 20th century social history. Thus there are other strikers who just needed jobs to keep them going. The strike On 13th of May, city council assembled once more to evaluate the proposal agreement that the strikers had issued. Once more, the city council refused to accept the proposed agreement devoid of its own adjustment, particularly the Fowler Amendment, which implied that all people under the payroll of the city council ought to express their readiness to implement an accord undertaking that s/he will not individually or collectively at any particular period strike, but instead will turn to negotiation as a way of settling all complaints as well as discrepancies which might not be capable of being settled amicably. This amendment further irritated the civic employees and by Friday, 24th of May, an approximated 6,800 strikers from 13 trades joined the strike (Bumsted, 1994). The planning The strike was organized in such a way that workers within metal as well as the building industries tried to reinforce their bargaining capacity by forming umbrella unions; the metal trade council and the building trade council respectively, to cover all metal and building unions. Whereas employers wanted to bargain with every union independently, they declined to negotiate with Metal and Building Trade Councils, rejecting the component union that had been part of the umbrella organization, in addition to quoting employers’ incapacity to meet proposals of wage demands. The labour policy in 1900s was restrictive meaning that the only way for a union could be identified freely by employers or via strike, but no other method. Thus workers arising from industrial groups went on strike to obtain recognition from the union as well as to force recognition of their combined bargaining rights (Bumsted, 1994). Subsequently the Metal and Building Trade Councils petitioned the Labour and Trade Union, the key union body that was a representative of several of Winnipeg’s workers’ interests as well as supporting their activities. The Labour and Trades Union in a show of unity, voted, favoring a sympathetic strike in aid of the Metal and Building Trade Councils. Secretary of the Winnipeg Trade and labour Union, Ernest Robinson, gave an announcement that said all organizations but one had voted in support of the general strike. The statement also advised that all public utilities would be “tied up” so as to impose the rule of combined bargaining. The workers hoped to effectively paralyze the city by shutting down every public utility, thus successfully forcing their demands to be implemented. For instance, the police in Winnipeg had supported the strike but had to remain on duty; a request made by the Striking Committee to avoid placing the city under martial law. Later on other exceptions followed (Bumsted, 1994). Exactly on Thursday, 15th of May in 1919, at 11.00 am on the dot, almost the whole Winnipeg working population downed their tools and went on strike. Almost 30,000 employees in the private and public sectors downed their tools; including vital public employees like firefighters went on strike, however resumed their duties midway through the strike through the authorization of the Strike Committee. Whereas the city council and police relations were tense, at the start, the strike was non-violent until Bloody Saturday when a confrontation ensued. Opposition There was opposition coming from local newspapers, Winnipeg Tribune and Winnipeg Free Press since they had lost several of their employees because of the strike, resulting in their taking a mutual anti-strike stance. The strikers were labeled “bohunks”, “anarchists”, as well as “aliens” by the Winnipeg Free Press. Such anti-strike sentiments greatly shaped Winnipeg’s residents opinions, even though most of the striking workers were not revolutionary but reformists. However, the most opposition came from the state, especially the 3 government levels; municipal, provincial and federal. There was also formation of a counter-strike committee by Winnipeg’s elite comprising of Isaac Pitblado, AJ Andrews, Travers Sweatman and James Bowes; these 4 would later prosecute the sedition. The Citizen’s committee viewed strike as a collapse of public authority making, something that made them concerned that maybe the strike committee had intentions of overthrowing the government (Bumsted, 1994). Violence The federal government on 10th of June ordered the detention of 8 ring leaders and on 21st June around 25,000 striking workers gathered for a protest at market square. Troubled by this, the mayor of Winnipeg, Mr. Fredrick Gray ordered the police who charged at crowds while on horseback, clubbing them as well as firing weapons. This resulted in injury to several people, several arrests as well as death of 2 strikers. This day came to be referred famously as the Bloody Saturday came to an end with heavy military presence. The strike was eventually called off on 25th June, 1919 at exactly 11.00 a.m. by the Central strike Committee and appealed to striking workers to go back to work(Bumsted, 1994). Aftermath The 8 strike leaders who had been detained finally were tried on 18th June 1919.M.Charitonoff and Sam Blumenberg were programmed for deportation ,however it was Blumenberg only who was deported for the US. Charitonoff was ultimately released after appealing to the Parliament based in Ottawa. The remaining leaders were found guilty as charged and sentenced from 6 to 2 years in prison (Bumsted, 1994).Several employees after the strike had mixed emotions regarding the solutions that had provided for them by the mayor of Winnipeg. For instance, the metal employees got a reduction of 5 hours from working week; however, no pay increase was implemented. In addition, several employees had their pension rights. There was also a presence of deep rift between business and working class. Newly employed workers were forced to take an oath pledging not to participate in whichever sympathetic strikes that may arise again in future. Several of the Winnipeg strike employees lost their employment and those who resumed their earlier jobs were placed at the very bottom of their career grade (Bumsted, 1994).After investigations, the Royal Commission concluded that there was nothing criminal about the strike; however, the government was advised to chip in during crisis. The Winnipeg strike is now regarded as the largest strike in the history of Canada in addition to being debated as the biggest in North of America (Bumsted, 1994). Works cited J.M, Bumsted. The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919. New York: Watson & Dwyer, 1994. Read More
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