Japanese and Chinese Styles Comparison - Research Paper Example

Lecture: Japanese and Chinese Styles comparison Introduction In the current world, there are few societies and economies on earth more complementary than Japan`s and China’s. Chinese are fairly young, deprived and restless and fiercely dedicated to financial growth. The Japanese are relatively aged and sated, but technologically higher and dedicated to guarding their high level of living. Proximity would be seen to make the two nations preferably suited to enjoy from each other. This makes Japan terrified of China’s rise, because the Chinese financial system is so much more dynamic than Japan’s. China also is troubled by Japan; this is because the island nation seems to act as an uncompromised American aircraft carrier just off its coast. Japan’s offenses of omission in dealing fully with its past marks as hindrance to its present overseas policy, but they pale in contrast with China’s historical sense of entitlement to local hegemony and its strong new form of condition-sanctioned anti-Japanese patriotism. China’s tactful language emphasizes toeing party’s line history rather than discriminating present-day interests, and it presumes that only one position in international affairs more often than not China’s — can be correct (Hagström 9) China today has much more to gain from association with Japan than from disagreement. Harping about past inflaming and sins the disputes over the islands do little good. If republic of China is to become the main power in the region, it can only do so with Japan, not next to it. As Germany and France have confirmed, ideas can change when government’s interest demands it. But changing Beijing’s thinking from hierarchy to collaboration will require strong leadership and a nuanced indulgent of national interests. China’s new leaders haven’t inspired much hope of either (Hunt 17). Socially, Japan developed on the Shogun ate life in which society revolved around honoring the emperor while maintaining a familys personal respect. The samurai, compared to the knight in the western European society, was one of the most accepted figures in Japanese society. While Post-modern China was also imperial in nature, China went without the Samurai system and instead relied heavily on a national army and private army. The following include some of the comparative areas of concern: Acquisition of the Senkaku islands in 2012 China and Japan both claim to be the shareholders of over East China Sea islets that China calls it the Diaoyu Islands and Japan refer to it as Senkaku Islands. Tensions have been high from 2012 September, when Japanese government acquired three of the islets from private Japanese proprietor. This leads to widespread anti-Japan demonstrations in China (Itoh 10). The Prime Minister then Yoshihiko Noda acquired the islets in place of the government to “obstruct Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara’s preparation to purchase them with municipal of Tokyo money. Ishihara is known for his challenging nationalist actions, and Noda expressed fears over to that would try Ishihara to inhabit the islands or otherwise use them to aggravate China.” Professor Joseph Nye  from Harvard University has strong believes that Chinese officials decided to ignore Noda’s apparent motives, that concerns any Japanese government acquisitions as a proof that Japan is trying to interrupt the status quo. In 2012 September, General Xu Caihou, who was then the vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, told the Chinese military to get ready for any likely military combat,” associations deteriorated further after Japanese government acquisition of the Senkaku islands, to the level that China made a decision to fore go IMF assembly held in Japan. Trade partnership deteriorated badly throughout the latter half of 2012 and Chinese government aircraft encroached into borderline airspace for the first time ever since 1958. Trawler collision in 2010 In 2010 September, following a Chinese fishing trawler crashed with other two Japanese Coast protector patrol boats close to the argument of the known Senkaku Islands, the head of the trawler, Zhan Qixiong, was captured while sparking tensions by Japanese sailors. Some speculations came out from media outlets saying that Chinas modern reduction of export allocations of metals, which is more demand in China for it is high-tech industry develops (Jin 23). This includes reduction to Japan, which could be could have been related to the dispute. Even though leaders from Chinese Ministry of Commerce turned down such an association, Japanese government took action by China as de facto trade embargo and made a decision to set aside billions yen for the subsequent measures to reduce reliance on Chinese mineral and resources: the Recycling,  mining in urban and coming up with an alternative technology by government and the private sector the growth of rare earth minerals abroad Pre-feasibility understanding on methane hydrate deposits increasing gas and offshore oil in Japan (Jian 3) The study I regard to cobalt rich crust and other undersea reserves Japanese White Paper 2011 In 2011, the Chinese far-off ministry spokesman Ma Zhaoxu condemned the annual Japanese protection white paper for calling awareness to-China threat theory Year 2005–2010 In the early 2005, U.S and Japan had issued a combined statement which then encouraged the peaceful decision of issues that relates to the Taiwan Strait through dialogue. The PRC was annoyed by the report, and protested the intrusion in its internal affairs. Anti-Secession Law was approved by third conference of 10th National Peoples Congress of PRC and was endorsed in March 2005, and later the law went into practice immediately. Consequently, anti-Japanese demonstrations overthrew the place simultaneously in the PRC and including other Asian nationalities (Kawashima 4). Nevertheless, the "warm" association flanked by Japan and PRC has been renewed by the two Japanese Prime Ministers, Yasuo Fukuda whose father got to conclude the Treaty of Friendship and Peace between Japan and the Peoples Republic of China and Shinzo Abe. The two nation decided to face the past squarely and advance toward the future, and endeavor with perseverance to come up with a new era of an "equally helpful association based on common tactical interests" flanked by china and Japan. They proclaimed that they would align China-Japan association with the tendency of international community and collectively forge a bright prospect for Asia-Pacific area and world while intensifying mutual understanding, building mutual belief and expanding mutually useful cooperation flanked by their nations in a continuing fashion into the future". In 2000`s By 2001 China’s global trade was the 6th -largest in the world and over the next several years it was expected to be under Japan, the 4th largest. Currently, Japan has started to invest in the PRC less; a growing movement to stop Official development assistance (ODA) support is flourishing within the Japanese nation. Many disagree that Japan should stop aid to the PRC for two reasons (Kawashima 6): 1. It efficiently subsidizes PRCs military increase to give economic aid to the PRC, which progressively threatens Japan’s safety. 2. It assists PRC to give sustenance to many other upcoming nations, most especially in Africa, and there is no need to assist any country that can afford to help others. Those who disagree against cutting growth on support to PRC note that by assisting PRC, the Chinese nationality is more likely to play by the rules of the global system, and that assistance is compensation for Japans pre-war and World War II damage. Anxiety erupted occasionally over trade and technology matters. PRC concern over possible Japanese military renaissance and controversy regarding Japans associations with Taiwan Similarities between the Japan and the china nation Even though Japan and China are both located in Asia and so share several oriental traits in common, these Post-Classical time of civilizations were by no way identical. Brandishing same social steady level, political systems and economic structures, the two civilizations had many delicate and often not-so-subtle differences. In addition, both civilizations were patriarchal and granted women few slot opportunities, although Hein Japan was positively more permissive about education to a womans than China was in the habit of being. In relation to economic structure, both Japan and china were extensive agriculturalists and traders. China, though, had a more intensive and extensive trade relationship with the rest of the world who delivered commodities such as silk, rice and later on, gunpowder. Japans aids were more modest in contrast, with their neighbor highly sought by European ornaments and artisans. Japan was also closed, in an agricultural respect, trying to remain as independent as possible. It wouldn`t be until the close of the 17th century that they would be relying upon Dutch and Portuguese traders for food when they had depleted what they have as natural resources, including the venerated snow leopard and mystic whom they depended upon for fur and as the source of legendary folklore. However, China looked to Middle East and Europe for technology and many foods (Stegewerns 10). As for their political systems, both china and Japan were imposing and patriarchal, but the important difference remained in their view of the consent of Heaven. China developed the tradition that if the ruler hopes to rule for his whole life, he must do so fairly or else Chinese people have authority to put back him with a more competent ruler. The Japanese, though, disagreed. The emperor was highest and could not be doubtful. The Samurais honor revolved in serving the emperor as well defending him. In addition, both civilizations placed hope and faith in Confucianism and Daoism therefore incorporated policy from the two philosophies into their political systems. The two governments stressed on social hierarchy, emphasized honor and education and always campaigned for ruling that promotes the best of their respective peoples. Conclusion Finally, a balance of supremacy will have to be found between Japan and China, but that will mean a steady withdrawal of U.S. might, which is specifically the opposite of what President Barrack Obamas "pivot to Asia" is who is aiming to achieve. If prolonged for long, arrangements made after World War II to create steadiness in the region will aid to undermine it. China as a country argues that its political scheme is of no relevance to anyone but itself and yet even if one were to agree that place in domestic politics, it falls as a section of international relations. The immensely muddled leadership changeover last year, which was shown by the Bo Xilai scandal and punctuated by a new boldness in the south and East and China Seas, sent fears through all of Asia (Stegewerns 6). If China wants to decrease US influence in the area, it will need to understand and to learn when to hold back for some time. If it wants ally, as opposed to the occasional alliances of attention, it will need to understand that friendship sometimes means they need to forgo by the stronger party, not just allowance by the weaker.   Japan’s selected leaders also need to learn to hold back in a clever way, in their case. While the possibility that Japan would or could launch any sort of military venture in Asia is minuscule, Abe’s insouciance about pressing the historically neuralgic sections of the Asian body politic needs to be curtailed. It is not just the Chinese who feel offended at the implication that Japan need not apologize for its behavior during war. It should the interest of both entities to come to a consensus that will mutual benefit both of them and help them to cohabit in harmony. Many super powers countries have come but still no peace exists. Loose alliance of other Asian countries that are also wary of Japan, downplaying China’s past offences is one of the very least effective ways could adopt.  Both sides should lay open their archives again to academicians and scholars. Any political progress comes from sharing an understanding of history, not covering the facts or using them to short-term interests, be it in a democratic state or an authoritarian. Works Cited Hagström, Linus. Japan’s China Policy: A Relational Power Analysis, London and New York: Routledge. 2005. Print Hunt, Michael H. The Genesis of Chinese Communist Foreign Policy. New York: Columbia University Press.1996. Print Itoh, Mayumi . Pioneers of Sino-Japanese Relations: Liao and Takasaki. Palgrave-MacMillan. 2012. Print Jin, Xide. 21 Seiki no Nittchu Kankei [Sino-Japanese Relations of the 21st Century], Nihon Chohosha. 2004. Print Jian, Sanqiang . Foreign Policy Restructuring as Adaptive Behavior: China’s Independent Foreign Policy 1982-1989. Maryland: University Press of America. 1996. Print Kawashima, Shin [Ed.]  Chugoku no Gaiko: Jiko Ninshiki to Kadai [Chinese diplomacy: Self-awareness and problems], Yamakawa Shuppansha. 2007. Print Kawashima, Yutaka . Japanese Foreign Policy at the Crossroads: Challenges and Options for the Twenty-First Century, Brookings Institution Press. 2003. Print Stegewerns, Dick (Ed.). Nationalism and Internationalism in Imperial Japan. New York: RoutledgeCurzon. 2003. Print Read More