The United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus - Term Paper Example

 Insert Grade Course Insert Tutor’s Name 05 July 2012 The United Nations mission in Cyprus was initiated by the global community due to widespread political instability, refugees and other issues caused by escalating violence between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in 1964. The United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) is a United Nations mediation force that was established under United Nations Security Council Resolution 186 in 1964 to avert a recurrence of hostility following intercommunal bloodshed between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, to add to the maintenance and reinstatement of law and order and to ease a return to normal conditions. UNFICYP was initially developed by the Security Council in 1964 to avoid further hostility between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot population1. After the conflicts of 1974, the Council commanded the Force to execute certain supplementary functions. Without a political agreement to the Cyprus problem, UNFICYP has stayed on the island to supervise armistice lines, preserve a buffer zone, embark on humanitarian activities as well as sustain the proper offices mission of the Secretary-General. Subsequent to the 1974 Greek Cypriot overthrow and the Turkish offensive of Cyprus, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) expanded and enlarged the mission to avert the dispute spinning into war, and UNFICYP was dispatched to patrol the United Nations Buffer Zone in Cyprus and support in the maintenance of the armed status quo. Since its founding, the force has further worked in conjunction with the special envoy of the Secretary-General and diplomats of the two communities to inquire about an amicable discreet solution to the Cyprus row. Primarily, UNFICYP consisted of armed and civilian groups drawn from Finland, Sweden, Australia, Ireland, United Kingdom and Canada, though over its long history the force has been the theme of various UNSC declarations and restructurings, and currently encompasses contingents from Hungary, Croatia, Argentina, Peru, Italy, Australia, Slovakia, Montenegro, Austria, Bosnia-Herzegovina, El Salvador Netherlands, India, Canada, Ireland, United Kingdom, and Ukraine. This paper evaluates the Cyprus problem from the perspective of the UN mission and its mandate on the island. At the heart of the discussion is the argument that the UN mission in Cyprus was initiated by the global community as a way of resolving the problem. In essence, the increasing hostility between the two warring communities - Greek and Turkish Cypriots- after independence in the 1960 was escalating, and the conflict was becoming the source of regional and global apprehension. Hence, it was deemed fit for the UN to interfere in order to assist in the development of an amicable solution to the crisis. Decades later, the Cyprus conflict has never been fully resolved, but the role of the UN mission has been commendable along the years. Global recognition of the new Republic of Turkey was derived from the accord of Lausanne (in 1923) in which the new Turkish regime formally acknowledged Britain's rule over Cyprus. Greek Cypriots perceived the circumstances were justifiable to demand their natural and historic right to amalgamate the island with Greece (enosis), several other islands including the Aegean along with Ionian Islands had united following the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Subsequently, Greek Cypriots' claims for enosis (union with Greece), which Britain was against, developed swiftly during the 1930s, resulting in the desecration of the Government House in Nicosia that was destroyed in Greek Cypriot riots of 19312. The epoch linking October 1931 and October 1940 turned out to be a very complex one for the Cypriots. The Governor then, Sir Richmond Palmer, incepted several suppressive measures comprising of limitations on the administration and operation of Greek schools, and proscription of trade unions and organizations of any type and form. There were massive protests against the government, but the oppressive measures were not annulled until the start of the Second World War, in the course of which more than thirty thousand Cypriots became part of the British armed forces. Efforts by the British to incept constitutional government with the intention of developing some participation without resulting in enosis failed, in spite of determined efforts to attain some semblance of liberal and egalitarian government, particularly by the post-war Labor Government in Britain. The Turkish Cypriots in 1957 reacted to the "Enosis claim" by calling for separation (taksim). Taksim became the catchphrase, which was employed by the increasingly (militant) Turkish Cypriots to reply the Greek cry of 'enosis'. In 1957 Küçük announced during a call to Ankara that Turkey would insinuate the northern half of the island. In April 1957, in the fresh conditions made manifest by the Suez debacle, the British government affirmed that bases in Cyprus were an agreeable alternative to Cyprus as a base. This resulted into a much more relaxed British perception to the problem. It was now to be solved together with Greece and Turkey, the latter comprehensively alerted to the hazards of enosis to the Turkish community. Hostility was renewed in Cyprus by EOKA, though it increasingly drew in the Turkish population when the new administrator - Sir Hugh Foot's- arrangement (for unitary self-government) inspired Turkish-Cypriot riots and resulted into a hostile response from the Turkish government. Violence linking the two communities turned into a new and deadly characteristic of the situation. In 1958, the British Prime Minister- Harold Macmillan- developed new proposals for Cyprus though his plan, which was a sort of partition, was repudiated by Archbishop Makarios. The Archbishop asserted that he would only approve a proposal, which assured independence without both Enosis and partition. The Zürich agreement of February 19, 1959 attempted to end the war. In the absence of either the Turkish or the Greek sides, the UK developed a Cypriot constitution, which was finally accepted by both sides. Both Greece and Turkey along with Britain were chosen as guarantors of the island's integrity. Some of the significant points of the Zurich agreement are: Cyprus was to become a free state, both taksim and enosis are to be proscribed, Greek and Turkish armies, at a ratio of about 3:2, are to be retained at all time in Cyprus, both armies are to be accountable to all three Foreign Ministers: of Greece, Turkey and Cyprus. Also, the President was to be a Greek Cypriot, chosen by the Greek Cypriot community and the assistant President a Turkish Cypriot, voted by the Turkish Cypriot community. The Cabinet was to comprise of seven Greek Cypriots, selected by the President, along with three Turkish Cypriots, appointed by the Vice President. Additionally, decisions would require an absolute majority though both the President and the Vice President would have the power of veto. Britain was slated to remain a sponsor and keep both of its army bases. The state of the island was unfavorable and this was manifested by the relationship between the Turkish and the Greek Cypriots, which was deteriorating since the two communities were in opposition in virtually everything. Whereas the Greek Cypriots wanted union with Greece, Turkish Cypriots wanted partition at the 35th parallel. The United Nations decided to act after an international assessment of the situation and realizing the necessity of an intervention. On August 16, 1960 Cyprus obtained its independence from the United Kingdom, following an anti-British endeavor by the Greek Cypriot EOKA (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters), a guerrilla association which wanted political amalgamation with Greece (or enosis). Archbishop Makarios III, a zealous religious and political personality, was voted the first president of independent Cyprus. In 1961, Cyprus became the 99th member of the United Nations. The Zurich accord, however, was not successful in establishing cooperation involving the Greek and the Turkish Cypriot community. The Greek Cypriots contended that the sophisticated mechanisms incepted to protect Turkish Cypriot welfare were obstacles to successful government and as such created the Akritas Plan with the objective of forcing all Turkish Cypriot legislators from government not to interrupt Greek Cypriot arrangements of enosis. Both sides continued the violence. Turkey threatened to interfere on the island. In November 1963, President Makarios advanced a sequence of constitutional changes intended to get rid of some of these special stipulations. The Turkish Cypriots stood against such changes3. The strife prompted rampant intercommunal conflict in December 1963, after which the Akritas agenda was put into motion, and Turkish Cypriot involvement in the central government stopped on December 23, 1963, when all Cypriot Turks from the smallest civil servants were out of the government. Makarios ordered an end to hostilities and again referred the issue to the United Nations. Although the administration was no longer operational or legal with the mandatory withdrawal of Turkish Cypriot politicians, UN peacekeepers were stationed on the island in 1964, successfully acknowledging the Greek Cypriots as the government. The alliance, UNFICYP, included Canadian, Irish and Finnish soldiers. Its task was to prevent military war, maintain law and order. The UK Prime Minister met with the American Attorney General, in 1964, to elucidate why global intervention is needed stating that "If they had not done so, there would probably have been a massacre of Turkish Cypriots"4 which were restricted in enclaves totaling little more than 3% of the island. Similarly, the Turkish legislature voted in support of the intervention of Cyprus though the absence of support that Turkey experienced from both the UN and NATO prevented it. In a rejoinder, Grivas was called back to Athens and the Greek army left the island. There was another significant incident indicating ongoing violence in Cyprus in 1967, on Cyprus Airways Flight 284 a de Havilland Comet experienced an explosion in the cabin, resulting in the death of 66 people. What caused the incident remained a mystery but an explosive found on the seat cushion was an indication of an assassination. There are several ramifications of having a bi-communal independent state especially on the basis of similar experiences in other countries. Intercommunity conflict often dog bi-communal states through constant power struggles linking the relevant communities. Therefore, part of Cyprus problems emanate from the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot equation that underscores a perfect bi-communal state. The failure for the two communities to agree on various issues pitting governance and sharing of resources is the key reason why Cyprus problems could further escalate. For instance, previous unification proposals have been defeated by resistance and opposition from Greek Cypriots who have resisted anything endorsed by their rivals, Turkish Cypriots. The ramifications of a bi-communal state are the factors behind the two states in the island whereby it is proposed that since the two communities have continuously failed to agree on a solution, they should part and form different countries. Perhaps such a proposal could be a permanent solution to the intercommunity rivalries that underscore a bi-communal. There are various countries in the world that bi-communal and civil wars and genocides have been witnessed. Therefore, rivalry between two communities in an independent state is lethal and could trigger unending conflicts. The repercussions of bi-communal independent state include, contest conflicts, political antagonism, civil war, social unrest and governance problems emanating from community based opposition to the ruling elite. The problem of bi-communal states is that every thing is communalized including politics and economics. This creates a complex situation that could threaten the country, and even result into civil war. The effectiveness of the UN mission in Cyprus is a subject of wide debate that mainly depends on how the situation is viewed. As a matter of fact, the UN mission in Cyprus was successful in several ways but failed to achieve certain objectives that could have solved the wider problem of Cyprus5. Therefore, argumentatively, the UN mission was both successful and unsuccessful; there were areas in which the mission was effective and those where it failed. One thing for sure is that the UN mission was hugely successful in cooling tensions and creating an atmosphere for dialogue on crucial issues. Furthermore, the international crisis that developed in Cyprus in 1964 could have escalated had the UN mission not involved in the situation. Currently, Cyprus is still a divided island and unity has never been achieved up to now. Therefore, it sounds like a big failure of the UN mission that essentially failed to ease apprehensions between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. But a look at the extensive crisis from 1964 till now, the role played by the global forces led by the UN mission is impressive; perhaps we could be having a worse situation in the region now. Therefore, in spite of the many problems facing the island, the role of the UN mission cannot be underestimated and it is obvious that the UN mission was effective to a great extent. Peaceful independence became impracticable under the constitution drawn up as a component of the independence course, and Makarios' plan of thirteen amendments, which eliminate the power granted by the constitution to the marginal Turkish Cypriots, was met with contempt from Turkey. On 21 December 1963, fighting erupted between Greek-Cypriot law enforcement and a Turkish-Cypriot motorist, and within hours EOKA along with TMT was back in action. Chaos erupted in the capital Nicosia, and a UK-negotiated cease-fire on Christmas Day brought the Green Line into being. The UN intervened for purposes of maintaining the peace. In spite of the fact that this period is moderately stable, the Turkish-Cypriots preserve their own self-contained regions of the island preferring to reside in enclaves that are alienated from the Greek-Cypriot mainstream, the partition in Nicosia being a prime example. In 1971, Grivas tripped back into Cyprus thereby forming EOKA-B with the help of Greece's military junta, though he passed on in January 1974 while in hideout. Makarios requested the junta to remove their EOKA-B army, but, in rejoinder, the junta approved the overthrow of Makarios, establishing their own dummy President, Nikos Sampson. At this point, Turkey got an opportunity to invade Cyprus in their task as underwriter of peace; therefore, Cyprus becomes the combat zone for EOKA-B along with Greek forces on one front, and the Turkish military on the other. The whole situation toppled the Greek junta from command and at the UN-brokered armistice (16 August 1974), the island remained divided between Cyprus in the south and Turkey in the north. Makarios was reinstalled as President, and plan for the current state in Cyprus was set. It is evident that without the intervention of UN forces, the situation could have been worse in Cyprus. Constant rivalries linking Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots threatened the peace of the island and only peace agreements sponsored by UN solved the situation. Therefore, in overall the role played UN mission in Cyprus can be described as inherently constructive in constantly easing tensions and creating an opportunity through which dialogue on key issues could be conducted. A clear look at the holistic situation in Cyprus, points at a quite complicated conflict whose resolution is yet to be arrived. The international interest manifested by the Cyprus conflict is proof enough of the significance of the strife on world peace. In as much as the UN mission never brought about a lasting solution to the crisis due to its complexity, it is evident that cooling tensions of the conflict and preventing it from escalating has served the island and the world well. A solution to the island’s problems will be found some day but the UN will continue playing a pivotal role in guaranteeing peace and stability in the island that is in the region. Perhaps the UN could have solved the entire problem by proposing an exact solution that would end the hostilities forever. Since the major conflict involves Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, perhaps the UN could have proposed a separation of the island into two states, the Turkish Cypriot region and the Greek Cypriot region. In my opinion, this could have brought about a lasting solution that could have ensured permanent peace and stability. None of the two communities is ready to compromise on its demands implying that the conflict will continue in the future. Similarly, the UN has been negotiating the issue since 1964 without any solution most possibly because of the approach used. There are no chances for unification of the two sides of the island, so efforts should be made to work on a separation mechanism in order to create a permanent solution. In conclusion, “The United Nations mission in Cyprus was initiated by the global community due to widespread political instability, refugees and other issues caused by escalating violence between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in 1964." The global interference of Cyprus through the UN mission was necessitated by the underlying issues in the conflict between the two warring communities. The root problem of the Cyprus issue was the constant wrangles between the two communities that constitute the independent state namely; Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots. Historically, the conflicts began during the British rule whereby the Greek Cypriots wanted unification with Greece commonly known as enosis while the Turkish Cypriots wanted separation generally referred to as taksim. These conceptual differences fermented the hostilities linking the communities that eventually broke out after independence. Perhaps the ramifications of a bi-communal independent state were best exemplified by the situation in Cyprus after independence. The country became independent in 1960 and fours years later it became necessary for the United Nations to send its force for purposes of maintaining peace and stability. Throughout the years, the UN mission has played a significant role in the maintenance of peace and stability. However, the Cyprus conflict has never been solved and remains a potential regional and global security concern; though the UN force is still stationed in the divided island to ensure that no major security issue develops. To this effect, there have been questions on whether the UN mission has been successful or not. In essence, whether the mission has been successful and effective or not it depends on how the situation is perceived. In as much as the UN mission has never produced a permanent solution to the conflict, it has played a significant role in containing the problem and avoiding an escalation of hostilities. Bibliography Krejcarek, Donald. “Cyprus” World Trouble Spot. New York: US Army War College. Carlisle, PA. 8 April 1966. Lewis, William and John Sewall. UN Peacekeeping Ends vs. Means. National Defense University. Washington: Institute for National Strategic Studies, 1993. Michael, Michális Stavrou. Resolving the Cyprus Conflict: Negotiating History. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Ronan, Kennedy. Resolution of the Cyprus Dispute, the Role of Domestic and International Actors. Washington: School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, 2010. Skvarka, Paul. Cyprus: The Road to Partition 1950-1974. Washington: University of Washington, 1994. Read More