Baluchistan: In the Absense of Human Rights - Research Paper Example

?Balochistan: In the Absence of Human Rights (school) Balochistan: In the Absence of Human Rights Introduction Balochistan makes up oneof the four provinces of Pakistan and is made up of about 40% land mass and a 5-7% share of the population (Sepoy). It is rich in natural and mineral resources, but is also one of the poorest in terms of literacy, health, and infrastructure. This region of the world has been subjected to various hardships, mostly in terms of human, economic, and political conflict. This paper will discuss Islamabad’s current policy towards Balochistan, specifying the increased aggression towards the Baloch separatist groups including the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and the Baloch Armed Defense Organization. It shall also discuss the fact that the Pakistan government has not fulfilled the promise it made under the Aghaz-e-Huqooq-Balochistan Package which established that all missing Baloch persons would be released. This paper will also discuss the fact that the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan decided to dedicate a day in 2011 to commemorate human rights day to the people of Balochistan as a means of convincing Islamabad to implement measures to secure respect for its people. This paper will also consider a discussion on where the US currently stands on this crisis. Other details on the failure of the state to protect the rights of the people will also be considered. Body Tension has always been apparent between Pakistan and Balochistan since the very first day that Pakistan was recognized as a state. This tension has often led to violent skirmishes in the region with armed incidents apparent in 1948, 1958, 1973, and at present through scattered and numerous insurgent activities. Balochistan has been occupied by Pakistan since 1948; however, with the end of the British rule, various Baloch tribes were more intent on seeking their own nationalistic goals. Each attempt for an independent Balochistan has been denied and pushed back by the Pakistan Army (Sabri, 10). One of the first insurgent attacks on the central government was led by Khan of Khalat seeking to protect the Baloch tribes from being absorbed by the central government. In the process, he was able to convert the Baloch tribes into a group of scattered and independent tribes into a more united separatist movement (Sabri, 10). With traumatic face-offs with the Pakistan Army throughout the years, the Baloch separatist movement has been spurred into more violent skirmishes with the central government (Weaver, 93). Before 1970, Balochistan was made up of small political groupings which were governed by nawabs and sardars; these sardars would later give in to bribes and threats from the central government and would agree to join the central Pakistan state (Sabri, 11). President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and the central government worked with these sardars to establish the rights of Balochistan under a provincial autonomy sanctioned under their 1973 constitution. The possibility of a Baloch provincial government governing Balochistan was even acknowledged by the central government (Blood, 60). Even with this acknowledgement however, Bhutto established strict control over Balochistan by ordering his party, the Pakistan People’s Party to rule over the province. Throughout the years, this pattern of control over the province by the central government has been persistent (Sabri, 11). In effect, the province has had little opportunity to develop as an independent and autonomous region. Although the Baloch crisis has been in existence since Musharraf’s military reign, it is still a persistent issue. The denial of Balochistan’s right to self-determination has been a primary cause for the conflict (Baloch Society of North America, 7). Pakistan security forces have been persistent in their use of brute force and suppressive policies in controlling these separatist groups. With these suppressive policies, Balochistan has been locked within an oppressive system of governance. In reviewing the commitments made by the central government with Balochistan under the Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan package, only about 65% of these commitments have been met (Abrar). The package was launched in an effort to minimize the sense of alienation that the Balochistans have been subjected to, and granting them political as well as economic rights. Prime Minister Gilani claims that the government has fulfilled about 80% of their commitments, however, in truth, of the 61 policies, only 34 have been implemented, 5 have gained the advanced stages, and 22 have yet to be implemented (Abrar). Moreover, the policies implemented have not been carried out at the grassroots level; and ethnic groups have yet to benefit from the promises made by the government. Promises which have yet to be delivered include political dialogues with the relevant ethnic groups in Balochistan (Abrar). About 300 dissident families have been removed from the list of terrorists, however, none of the promises made to them have been fulfilled and as a result, the trust of these dissidents on the government have been reduced, and the government has not had much confidence on the dissidents as well (Javaid, 121). This lack of trust on both sides has had a negative impact on the peace talks between Balochistan and the central government. Based on a report by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, about 225 dead bodies of missing persons in Balochistan have been found between July 2010 and November 2011. A higher death toll has been reported by other human rights groups (Pakistan Voices). These numbers are actually even increasing with more missing persons found last year and 97 dead bodies turning up at different locations in Balochistan. The minorities in the provinces have a vulnerable life as many of them have become the target of kidnapping for ransom activities. Aside from these kidnappings, about 80 Shias have perished from targeted bombings last year (Pakistan Voices). Many settlers have also been targeted by separatist groups and the government has often expressed its condemnation for these activities by ordering the political killings of these separatists (Pakistan Voices). During Musharaf’s regime, the HRCP reports that enforced disappearances of insurgents have become a common practice. No investigations on these bodies or the disappearance of many others have been launched. The HRCP emphasized that the people of Balochistan have not felt the benefits of the Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan package, that the people still feel isolated by their central government, and that all of them are being treated like insurgents (Haq, 2). The feelings of unfair treatment among the people of Balochistan have been increasing throughout the years and the relatives of the missing people have been the only people been actively searching for their relatives (Tatchell). The government on the other hand has prioritized other issues and has not given much attention to the implementation and protection of human rights in Balochistan. The HRCP, in a bid to bring attention to Balochistan’s issue called for the 2011 international human rights day to be dedicated to Balochistan, further calling for Pakistan’s central government to make momentous strides towards protecting and respecting the rights of this province and its long-suffering people (Unrepresented Nations and People’s Organization). The political and economic reforms under the package included the introduction of 10,000 Baluch youth to the Pakistan Army. This move was meant to decrease ethnic tension in the region (Sattar). While these decisions have assisted in integrating the national separatist groups into Pakistan’s development package, the decreased military presence as well as the increased demand for development have not minimized the insurgent activities and have not improved relations with the separatist groups. Nevertheless, these separatists have been adamant in negotiating with the government for their independence, but Islamabad has turned down their bid time and again (Sattar). Now, for as long as both parties remain at a standoff the people of Balochistan will likely continue to suffer. The US policy towards Balochistan has so far been inadequate (Sabri, 35). The US has mostly been ignorant of the region, and even with clear indications of Taliban activities in the area since 2006 (even as far back as 2002), the US has not given the region much attention. In effect, US security efforts in the area have mostly concentrated on counter-insurgency activities on the NWFP (North-West Frontier Province) and the FATA (Federally-administered Tribal Areas) areas, but not the Pashtun corridor. This is unfortunate considering that the Pashtun corridor is “contiguous with the FATA, and given the tentative nature of borders in Pakistan, it would seem reasonable to simply extend the efforts southward” (Sabri, 35). There are various reasons for this US policy on Balochistan. Politically, US presence in Pakistan has prompted anti-American sentiments from the people. Due to the history of neglect which the Pakistan central government has always taken with Balochistan, the Pashtun corridor has become off-limits to negotiations on areas where the US can implement actions in the Pakistan territories (Sabri, 35). Strategically, the US is concentrating on ways to defeat the al-Qaeda threat instead of dismantling the organization. This current US administration has expressed this distinctly (Sabri, 36). The US has a perceived an al-Qaeda-Taliban divide and it has made the distinction between the al-Qaeda and the Taliban with the al-Qaeda based in the northern region (NWFP) and the Talibans covering the southern borders. At one point, this belief was supported by the overall conception that Osama was based in the north with the NWFP and Mullah Omar was in Quetta (Sabri, 36). Pakistan’s ambivalent attitude towards the Afghani Taliban forces has also served as a barrier in US efforts towards penetrating Balochistan. Evidence also seems to be indicate that the Pakistan’s intelligence service (Inter-services Intelligence or the ISI) is still assisting the Afghan Talibans (Sabri, 36). Pakistan does not seem to consider the Taliban Afghan as a threat, in much the same way as they are considering the al-Qaeda as an overwhelming threat to their peace and security. The US on the other hand has established oversimplified policies towards the Afghan Taliban; as a result, US activities in Afghanistan have been directed towards rounding up insurgents. Yet, this attitude ignores the fact that the Taliban is providing havens for the al-Qaeda in the southern regions of Afghanistan (Sabri, 36). With these unresolved and dangerous issues persistently hounding the US, its policy on Balochistan seems to be ambiguous and non-committal. As far as human rights violations against the Baloch separatists are concerned, the US, through the State Department has effectively entered its outrage (Walsh). However, this is the extent to which the current administration can go in terms of entering its support for the Baloch separatists. Without completely severing its Pakistan ties, the Baloch separatists’ most favorable decision in gaining US support is now dependent on Congress (Walsh). If the Baloch can associate their goals to the Congressional efforts to compromise US assistance to Pakistan, they may be able to prompt the Administration to re-consider its present policies on Balochistan (Walsh). This would however be a difficult product to sell with the Americans because various insurgent attacks have largely been unnoticed by America with the war in Afghanistan as well as the War on Terrorism overshadowing all other shows of violence in the region. Still, Baloch separatists have been heartened by the fact that the US State Department has been expressing its concern for the Baloch issue. They highlight the fact that the State Department is considering the opening of a consulate in Quetta (Walsh). Moreover, the Balochs also recall the statements made by Victoria Nuland, the spokesperson for the US State Department when she remarked that the US is very much concerned about the violence in Balochistan, especially the targeted killings and human rights abuses. They note how Nuland remarked that “the best way forward is for all the parties to resolve their differences through peaceful dialogue…we have discusses these issues with Pakistani officials and also urged them to really lead and conduct a dialogue that takes this issue forward” (Walsh). Based on these statements, the Baloch separatists believe that they have gained the express support of the US; but Western diplomats have cautioned the Baloch against misinterpreting these as statements in support of their plight. Moreover, despite these statements from the State Department, there still has not been any move by the US to recognize Baloch independence and the efforts to open the consulate in Quetta actually may actually serve to control or suppress Baloch’s goals for independence, not to support them (Walsh). The Baloch activities have been viewed by the US as a blatant attempt to weaken Pakistan in general – to weaken its status as a state. And this is definitely not something which the US would ever support; instead, the US efforts seem to be geared towards helping Pakistan become more effective in governing its territory (Walsh). Some Balochs are considering the possibility that the US and Pakistan relations are finally turning sour, especially with the discovery that bin Laden has been hiding out in Pakistan before his assassination. However, Pakistan is still very much considered an ally of the US and America is focused on working with Islamabad to resolve the Balochistan issue (Walsh). The direction of the American position on the Baloch issue seems to be focused on working with the central government – not with Balochistan – to get their relationship back on track and in the process possibly weaken the al-Qaeda threat. The US is more concerned about making huge strides against terrorism than it is about supporting Baloch independence (Walsh). One of the Baloch journalists based in the US also believes this to be true as he contends that the Balochs are misinpreting the State Department’s comments. “They think there has been a U-turn on US policy but there hasn’t been one. At this point, the US might be concerned about human rights but they do not support independence. I don’t think there has been a policy shift” (in Walsh). In effect, the US policy towards the Balochistan issue has been on expressing its concern for human rights abuses, and on prompting the central government to resolve and dialogue with the Balochs, but the US has not taken major strides to establish policies to address these issues. With the failure of the central government to protect its Baloch citizens, including their right to life, these citizens have become subject to abductions, tortures, and targeted killings. Some of the separatist groups have taken it upon themselves to implement measures in order to protect and uphold their human rights (Saeed). These groups have set-up a website where they could detail the actions of the BLA and to depict the situation of the Baloch population. These groups have also battled the Pakistan army in the mountains in order to fight for their rights against oppression. With the arrest of their members and leaders, the Baloch youth and members of the NAP (National Awami Party) fought back and also went to the mountains to fight with the PLA (Saeed). The BLA has launched various bomb blasts and similar attacks after the arrest of their leader Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri. The targeted arrests of Baloch nationalist leaders have prompted more attacks against the national government. It seems to be the only recourse left to these groups who have been ignored by their central government as well as the international community. These separatist groups feel that they have nothing left but their guns and their persistent fight for their rights. These groups argue that they have long been ignored and oppressed by Pakistan’s central government and they are appealing to any country that would come to their aid (Maqbool). They have even appealed to India, a country which has long been at odds with Pakistan. They accuse the central government of laboring for its own progress alone, and ignoring the development of Balochistan. As a result, these separatist groups have been actively seeking the protection of their rights and the fulfillment of their goals towards independence, even if their actions largely involve taking up arms against the government and against Pakistan in general. Independence to Balochistan will not likely be allowed by Islamabad because Islamabad believes in the general value and advantage of having Balochistan under its control. First and foremost, the breakdown of the USSR and the independence of various Central Asian countries with significant energy resources have offered a huge economic opportunity for controlling states (Jabeen, 31). Balochistan has a largely favorable economic potential due to its large coastline, one which stretches 770 kilometers from the Hub River in the East to the Iranian border in the West (Jabeen, 31). Moreover, Balochistan is rich in mineral resources because it is found in a geographical area which has been known for its large mineral deposits. Neighboring Iran for example has huge reserves of copper and mineral ores, and many experts claim that these same minerals are found in Balochistan as well (Jabeen, 32). Due to this potential, the possibility for international investors, bilateral donor agencies, and international NGOs transacting with Balochistan has been very high. Balochistan is also the largest province of Pakistan, and this fact alone would negate the central government’s permissiveness in granting Balochistan independence. It is also sparsely population with a huge portion of its population devoted to the agricultural activities. This is where 52% of its GDP comes from; and this industry employs about 65% of the labor force. About 10% of the labor force is involved in mining activities which Pakistan is eyeing as a potential source of income for the country in general (Jabeen, 32). These mineral resources have not been explored to an extensive degree as yet, however its rich potential in this regard has long been acknowledged by Pakistan’s central government. For that reason alone, Balochistan would unlikely ever gain its independence from Pakistan (Jabeen, 33). Balochistan is also advantageous to Pakistan as it is considered to be an alternate passage for the Europe Asian Highway where the path from Zahidan in Iran to Taftan in Balochistan and on to Quetta can be seen (Jabeen, 32). Another route goes south from Kandahar and then into Chaman in Balochistan and this is the freight passage used by Afghanistan in getting through the Karachi border. Finally, Pakistan would likely not allow Balochistan its independence for the simple matter that Balochistan’s topography has allowed Pakistan to finally become a nuclear power when it served as a staging area for the test bombing of five consecutive blasts in Chaghi. Balochistan is also the staging area for attacks against Afghanistan with the province providing a natural and very strategic base against terrorism (Jabeen, 32). More than this advantage however, Balochistan is a strong mineral resource and other countries have recognized this already; 30 exploration companies from Britain and America have actually been active in the province already (Jabeen, 33). Proposed oil pipelines linking Iran with India through Pakistan are also being planned and these pipelines would have to pass through Balochistan. “Balochistan rich in oil and gas providing strategic depth to the nation state of Pakistan would remain in focus of regional and international geo-economic and strategic transactions” (Jabeen, 33). With the above reasons and advantages, Balochistan would not likely be allowed independence by its mother state. Conclusion Years of attack between the Balochistan separatist groups and the Pakistan central government has now created a tumultuous political climate in the country. The violent attacks and acts of kidnapping for ransom, political assassinations, random killings, tortures, bombings, as well as targeted killings have been perpetuated by both the Balochistan separatists and the Islamabad government on each other. As a result, any hope for a dialogue between these two parties for the resolution of the human rights violations or for any discussion of independence on the part of Balochistan seems to be futile. There is distrust on both sides, one which is based on the broken and unfulfilled promises of the Balochistan central government, and on the latter’s refusal to consider Balochistan’s independence. With these considerations, as well as the United States ambivalence, this Balochistan issue would unlikely be resolved in the near future. Works Cited Abrar, M. Balochistan package — promises not fulfilled yet. Pakistan Today, 2011. Web 30 January 2012 Baloch Society of Northern American . Inside Balochistan’s Forgotten Conflict. 2010. 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