The Struggle Of The Free Papua Movement - Research Paper Example

The Struggle Of The Free Papua Movement Introduction The Free Papua Movement (OPM) has history of struggle dating back to 1965 to effect a regime change through violent rebellion1 The movement outlawed by the Indonesian government has an aim to liberate Papua and West Papua provinces from Indonesia, which were earlier a separate dynasty known as Irian Jaya.2 It was after prolonged negotiations and exertion of diplomatic and political pressure among the Dutch, the UN, the Soviets, the US and the Sukarno-led Indonesian freedom movement that in 1963, the Dutch agreed to “transfer control of West New Guinea to Indonesia.”3 Though the transfer of power that happened in 1969 was the successful fulfillment of its free nationhood for Indonesia, a major portion of the Papuans considered it as the subversion of their independence and hence the Free Papua Movement (OPM) was started by them.4 The roots of OPM can be traced back to a number of regional resistance movements, violent and non-violent, and by drawing from all of them, this rebel organization has acquired a distinct character among the other resistance movements of the world.5 It has diverse war fronts, charismatic leaders ranging from priests to generals, and a naturally emerging dynamics.6 A hatred for modernity and westernization, and a proclaimed goal to return to the traditional ways of life marks this organization.7 Their public statement has been quoted as saying, "We are not terrorists! We do not want modern life! We refuse any kinds of development: religious groups, aid agencies, and governmental organizations just Leave Us Alone, Please!"8 OPM has also been a strong opponent of the transmigration policy of Indonesian government by which migration of non-natives to West Papua was encouraged.9 The way OPM has organized and mobilized itself in the course of its history is a unique social phenomenon and it has been often observed that about 80 to 90 percent of Papuan people had their sympathies with the OPM.10 But it has always been the common people who have carried forward the resistance movement as they constituted the soldiers of this freedom army.11 The Act of Free Choice, the consultation exercise conducted by the Indonesian government under the monitoring of the UN, that attached West Papua to Indonesia officially, was later criticized as being a farcical exercise.12 King has called it, “an outrageous exercise in duplicity, intimidation, and coercion on Indonesia’s part.”13 In 1971, OPM declared the formation of an independent Republic of West Papua.14 The organization, since its inception until the recent times had depended mainly on Guerilla warfare, by making thick forests its hide outs.15 In 1977, OPM militants sabotaged the fuel and slurry transportation of the Indonesian mining company, Freeport Indonesia by cutting pipelines, as the company did not heed to OPM’ demands of extortion.16 This mining company was given a free hand by the Indonesian government to exploit the rich copper and gold resources of the Southern Papuan highlands.17 And this mining industry contributed to about 50% of the GDP of Indonesia.18 In 1977, the Papuans under the leadership of OPM, also refused to vote in the second general elections.19 In this way, the struggle of OPM has many dimensions- economic, ethnic, environmental, and political. Figures have shown that “100000 Papuans, or ten percent of the Papuan population has been killed by Indonesian troops since Indonesia gained control of the territory.”20 This shows how repressive and cruel the measures taken by Indonesian government to defeat the resistance of OPM have been. It was in this light that in 1982, OPM set up a subsidiary organization, OPM Revolutionary Council (OPMRC) to promote its demand for independence through international diplomatic interventions.21 It was since 1998 that OPM began to participate in public political dialogues.22 And in 2006, the OPM leaders met in Madang, a neighboring place of Papa New Guinea and declared that the organization would move on to non-violent means of struggles to achieve their demands.23 But even after this declaration, occasional violence has been there in OPM’s operations in Indonesia.24 But they were eye openers to the international community to understand how miserable the lives of the common people of Papua New Guinea were, under the Indonesian rule. The strength of OPM has been its mobilizing structures and the charismatic leadership that it had throughout its history. Now the organization is functioning under a number of independent commands.25 Meanwhile, the ‘special autonomy’ imparted in 2001 to Papua by the Indonesian government was a disillusionment for the Papuan people.26 The Papuan frustration against the policies of Indonesian government which caused, “a massive influx of Indonesian settlers, soldiers, logging companies, and mining operations, which have already made the Melanesian Papuans a minority in their own land” is still at its high.27 Mobilization of OPM Initially, it were the “local groups armed with little more than bows and arrows [that] clashed with the Indonesian military.”28 Though this might appear to outsiders a romantic and futile exercise, the strategy of basing in thick jungles was successful for OPM rebels, as even the army found it impossible to pursue the rebels into the jungle many times.29 Puncak Jaya, in the highlands is such a place which is totally under OPM control and even the military dare not enter there.30 Tribal leaders played a crucial role in the activities of OPM, as Papua was mostly a tribal society.31 When Teranius, a leader of freedom struggle was arrested, it was the Arfak tribe that supported an “open revolt.”32 One of the first leaders of OPM, Aser Demotekay, had “started an underground movement in Jayapura region”, based on his belief in the ““cargo cult””, that had proclaimed that independence of Papua New Guinea was what the Gods wanted to happen.33 This kind of spiritual discourses, that combined tribal beliefs with Christianity, gave the freedom movement lot of followers and a high moral ground. The villagers of Papua New Guinea were the suppliers of resources for the freedom fighters who fought in the jungles. The villagers used to give them food and other amenities in the jungle and over the mountains.34 By organizing prolonged labor strikes in the Freeport mines, and winning victories like a “100% wage increase”, the campaigners of OPM won even the support of migrant workers.35 In 2007, primary school teachers were organized to go on strike.36 The Papuan women market vendors were organized by a group called Catholic Peace and Justice to fight for a permanent selling place.37 All these struggles have been regionally and independently organized but still they in one way or other contributed something to the OPM struggle for Papuan independence. The high number of factions stationed outside Papua New Guinea is indicative of another strategic aspect, the strategy of fighting in exile, adopted by many OPM functionaries.38 Now there are many international Papuan exile organizations which support the cause of independence and also many national governments also support the independence of West Papua as a policy matter.39 The latter development has been the result of intense lobbying by Papuan exile groups.40 Non-violent and culture-based fight-fronts had also been opened by OPM sympathizers.41 For example, the music band, Mambesak, was one such effort in support of the independence movement, and it emerged and performed in the 1970-80 period.42 This group collected and staged traditional songs and Dances of Papua and thereby evoked a great sense of collectivism.43 The daily raising of the Morning Star Flag, the flag of OPM, has been yet another symbolic gesture of resistance that created solidarity among the freedom fighters.44 The Papuans have a “sentimental attachment” to the Morning Star Flag which is capitalized by the OPM.45 The symbolic strength of the act of flag hoisting was proved before all, when six women fighters raised the flag outside the governor’s office and were convicted for this crime to 10-15 years imprisonment.46 The use of traditional warrior images in the imageries of OPM has been another strong tool of mobilization.47 Many OPM soldiers, especially those who are jungle guerilla fighters wear traditional tribal costumes even though they wield modern weapons like guns. This provides the Papuan people with a connection with history for their struggle. OPM had also adopted the strategy of taking foreigners as hostages so as to force government to act as per their wishes and wants.48 This helped them to draw international attention to the problem of Papuan independence.49 Extortion from resource-extracting companies has been another method of intimidation and money mobilization adopted by OPM.50 The previously discussed attack against the mining company, Freeport, and many other similar incidents were operated by OPM rebels.51 Whenever the companies concerned refused pay extortion money, the OPM fighters broke their pipelines that carried fuel and supplies.52 The fight against the mining industries had a cultural aspect as well, as the Papuans revered their land in which their ancestors were buried and were not ready to part with it in exchange of money or anything, to the mining companies.53 This is the realm where, issues of environment and sustainability also gets assimilated into this freedom struggle. The picture of Papua New Guinea before Indonesian rule and after it can be described as detailed below: Prior to the first Indonesian military invasion on 19 December 1961, code-named Trikora, there was a balanced ecosystem of flora, fauna co-existing with humans. There were stunning birds of paradise flying over natural forest and shallow coral reefs, coastal swamps and alpine glaciers. Since the occupation the beauty of West Papua has been increasingly lost or put in jeopardy.54 The weapons used by OPM in its struggles were either traditional weapons like bows and arrows or modern weapons captured or bought (clandestinely from corrupt military officers) from the Indonesian military.55 Often defecting Indonesian soldiers also brought weapons with them.56 In 2003, a weapon depot was raided by OPM and weapons captured.57 OPM has been using the borders of Papua New Guinea as a safe haven for collecting supplies and recruiting new soldiers.58 They have also been found to be utilizing “refugee camps and communities as virtual operating bases.”59 The refugee communities also gave them a good hide out as they would be living in the borders and the guerilla soldier could easily “merge with” them as one among them.60 The refugee narratives of Papuan people have been fundamental in presenting an opposite version to the Indonesian version of nationhood.61 For example, a 50-page booklet titled, Historical Data of West papua from 1511-1998, circulated in the Iowara refugee camp in Papua New Guinea, has depicted the history of the freedom struggle of Papuan people.62 The Papuan refugee camps have been described as “a technology of power, a spatial regime that produces socio-political effects.”63 The refugee camps also become venue of sharing personal narratives of struggle for freedom.64 The Papuan people from different tribes are more comfortable speaking their own language in refugee camps and their language also become a tool of clandestine communication in exile.65 The refugee camps are also often the planning venues for protest marches and other forms of democratic resistance.66 The political training for the youth happened naturally in these camps.67 As the refugee camps were UN territory, the refugees even hoisted the Morning Star flag there.68 The refugee camps were also great uniting spaces for different tribes.69 The Christian faith was a tool in the hands of OPM in culturally mobilizing support among the Papuans.70 The freedom fighters have often been using the Book of Genesis “to explain their nationness as natural.”71 And it is observed that the dream of return in the minds of the exiles has an association with the Book of exodus.72 All these notions of natural rights is linked with the idea of “original people” which suggests that Papuans are the original dwellers of Papua New Guinea.73 The “commemorative ceremonies” and cultural performances that were held in the refugee camps reinforce the alternative narratives of nationhood held by Papuans.74 For example, Glazebrook has cited instance when common personal narratives circulating in refugee camps propagating ideas about the dangers of falling in love with and marrying a Javanese woman, as it would diminish the commitment of the men of West Papua towards the freedom struggle.75 Also myths and legends are profusely used to convey the message that the ancestors of Indonesian people and the Papuan people are not the same.76 OPM has also been able to develop support among different government officials and form their clandestine groups as well.77 For example, Braithwaite78 has reported to have interviewed one police official who had been leading such a group of police officials. After the downfall of the dictatorship of Suharto, OPM also had changed their strategies- they replaced their jungle warfare with open political protests in towns and cities.79 But by 2000, the newly found democracy in Indonesia began to dwindle resulting in further oppression of the Papuan freedom movement and the return of the freedom fighters to violent means.80 Students have been a major support group for OPM once it began to stress upon non-violent and democratic modes of rebellion.81 Many student protests have been recently spotting the struggle history of OPM and one such example is reported below: On Dec. 1, 2000, university students from the Indonesian province of West Papua/Irian Jaya honored their families, forefathers and homeland by attending an independence rally outside the Dutch and American embassies in the capitol town Jayapura. In an act symbolic of national integrity and solidarity, they raised the Bintang Kejora, or Morning Star Flag, to mark the 1964 anniversary of West Papua's questionable transfer from Dutch control to Indonesian control.82 The strategies of OPM have been evolving through its history of struggle. From jungle warfare to international diplomacy and to national democratic dialogues, the organization has been coming of age. The diversity of this struggle is evident from the following paragraph: For nearly fifty years the resistance to Indonesian occupation has taken various forms – including armed opposition, public demonstrations by students and other community groupings, celebrations of national identity with flag raisings, pronouncements of an independent nation, clandestine resistance groups, public rallies to provoke authorities to incarcerate dissidents, voluntary exile by political organisers, songs of defiance in the mother-tongues of the different tribes, promotion and retention of national identity and resistance to the colonial power through the stories told to the children and to the grandchildren in each home and in each village throughout West Papua.83 The uniqueness of this resistance movement has been that it has always retained its diversity and never has abandoned one single method as invalid. Even as the democratic inclusion process goes ahead for OPM, the jungle soldiers also are busy with their mode of operation and their fighting strategies. And this is why the transitional government, the WPNA has retained its military wing.84 Again, OPM has also been able to bring in “women, youth, churches, tribal council, NGO’s and political agencies” as its partner in struggle.85 The most powerful nations of the world including the US, Australia and also the UN has now “acknowledged the injustice of Indonesian occupation and the right to self-determination” of the people of Papua New Guinea.86 Another ray of hope in the horizon has been the establishment of West Papuan National Authority (WAPN) which has a history of birth as detailed below: The West Papua National Authority emerged from the West Melanesia movement of the 1980’s and the opposition to Indonesia within the Papuan universities and the various campaigns in the last decade of the millennium.87 Leaders The first leader worth mentioning in the history of OPM is Aser Demotekay, “a former civil servant”, who launched an underground rebellion group in 1963.88 He was a believer of the notion that Papuan independence was an exercise of divine will.89 Terianus Aronggear was the second prominent leader in the movement, and he came starting from where Aser had left off.90 He launched the Organization Struggling for the Establishment of an Independent West Papua State.91 Hendrik Joku was the secretary and Permenas Ferry Awom was the Military Commander of this organization.92 Markus Casiepo was the President of the State appointed by Teranius when he envisaged a free Papua New Guinea.93 When Teranius was arrested in 1965, Permenas launched the first ever military attack on the Indonesian military.94 Johannis Djambuani, a leader of this military attack was a former policeman.95 In 1968, OPM launched another military attack under the leadership of Daniel Wanma.96 Julianus Wanma, Joseph Indy, Bernadu wally, A.R.Wamafina, David Pekei, and L. Zonggonau, were some other military leaders of OPM during this period of continuous armed rebellions. Seth Rumkorem had been the founder of TPN which came into existence in 1970.97 He made the “Declaration of the Independent Republic of Papua New Guinea” in 1962.98 Jacob Prai, who split TPN to form his own faction in 1976, was a socialist and anti-western in his ideology.99 Jacob Prai was also a follower of Aser Demotekay.100 Both these leaders had led OPM in the border regions together for a long while.101 A “permanent resistance group” set up by Prai in 1968 had been the “embryo” of the OPM in its modern sense.102 The military strength of OPM was at its peak when it was led jointly by Prai and Rumkorem.103 Prai was arrested and later he went to Sweden as he was granted asylum there.104 Martin Tabu and John Otto Ondawame were two leaders who undertook kidnappings as part of the violent struggles of OPM.105 Ondawame was arrested, then released and given refuge in Sweden.106 Along with Martin Tabu, during that period, OPM was led by James Nyaro, Elkey Bemey and Alex Derey.107 Tabu was captured by Indonesian forces and Bemey was killed in fighting.108 It was at this time that Rumkorem was forced to run away to Vanuatu and leadership of OPM was taken over by Philemon Yarisetouw.109 But in 1974, Rumkorem led the negotiations with the government.110 Kelly Kwalik was yet another leader who was engaged in activities like hostage taking and who was finally killed in ambush by the Indonesian military.111 William Onde has been described as a “colorful leader” who hailed from a border district of Papua New Guinea but was later alleged to be collaborating with an Indonesian corporate company and drawing a salary from them.112 But later he was murdered the cause of which was supposed to be his own double play in his relations with the company.113 The present leaders of OPM include, Tadius Yogi, Yuweni, Bernard Mawen, and Tabuni.114 Moses Werror is the present chairman of OPM Revolutionary Council.115 The leaders of WPNA, the present transitional government, include, Rev. Terrianus Yoku, Edison Waromi, Brigadier-General Richard Joweni and Jacob Rumbiak.116 These leaders of WAPN have “served time as political prisoners, and by the first half of the new decade had garnered significant grass-roots support.”117 Organizational Structure Since the beginning, OPM has been a loose coalition of different interest groups who adopted different strategies to pursue the cause of independence.118 Factionalism has been a threat to the coherence of the organization but the ability to maintain a common cause even at the face of internal rifes has been the strength of this movement as a whole.119 The major factons of OPM are, the Provisional Revolutionary Government (1) led by Seth Rumkorem and based in Netherlands, the De facto government led by Jacob Prai and and headquartered in Malmo, Sweden, the National Liberation Council of West Papua New Guinea headed by Nicolas Jouwe, Zachi Sawor and Hank Inggamer stationed in Netherlands, the Melanesian High Court led by Markus Casiepo and based in Netherlands, the OPM National Council led by Set Rumkorem and based in Netherlands, the Provisional Revolutionary Government (2) headed by Tan Sen Thai and Simon Sapioper and headquartered in Netherlands, OPM Revolutionary Council led by Moses Werror and stationed in Papua New Guinea, West Papua National Liberation Front led by Mujijaw and John Koknat and stationed in Papua New Guinea and so on.120 Singh has compiled a list of 21 factions to name.121 The West Papua Coalition for National Liberation (WPNCL) was formed in 2005 with an objective of decentralizing the independence movement so as to overcome the strategies of oppression by the Indonesian government.122,123. The National Liberation Army of West Papua (TPN-PB) is a very flexible network of “decentralized commands throughout West Papua.” And is a member group of WPNCL124 The soldiers of TPN-PB “sustain themselves through hunting, gathering forest produce and subsistence farming.”125 The method of functioning of TPN-PB has been in the form of “low-level attacks against Indonesian military personnel, […] raids on weapons and ammunition depots, and […] [attacks on] resource extractive industries” especially between the period, 2002-2008.126 But TPN-PB has been considered as only a minor threat by Indonesian military as they were a split group always affected with internal rivalries and “lack of coordination and communication systems.”127 The Dewan Adat Papua (DAP) is a cultural organization committed to the freedom movement and it has recently entered the political realm as well.128 The WPNCL has now evolved as “a coalition of the coalitions,” a unique form of organized resistance.129 The decentralization of the movement has contributed not to the weakening of it but to better functioning and better survival in the face of oppression.130 It was between 1971 and 1984 that “factional rivalries” and “leadership struggles” were at their peak in OPM.131 But recently, the reconciliation attempts have gathered momentum.132 The meeting of leaders of different factions held in Madang was a step in this direction.133 Even now there are hardliners and democrats in OPM.134 While the extremists like Tadius Yogi argue for armed struggle, leaders like Willem Onde, without totally denouncing armed struggle, had drawn attention to the importance of political dialogue.135 Conclusion OPM, which had originated as a violent resistance group has now grown up to command political, democratic, diplomatic and violent resistance. In this process of democratization, it has acquired the support of new groups like students, and international human rights groups. Another positive development has been that the factionalism in OPM is contained in order to build a consensus in favor of a free Papua New Guinea. The commitment to building a united front has been very real as is evident from the intensive efforts made so far and as is shown by the below given quote from a historical narrative of the Papuan struggle: In 2001, three West Papua organisations sent delegations to the Pacific Island Forum in Nauru. These delegations were rejected at PIF and raised a lot of questions about unity amongst those involved in the West Papuan struggle. Subsequently, in February 2002, in Wewak on the north coast of Papua New Guinea, political leaders and activists from the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM, Free West Papua Organisation), Papua Presidium Council (PDP), and the West Papuan New Guinea Congress gathered to form the United West Papua National Front for Independence (UWPNFFI).136 It is clear that all the permutations and combinations for the creation of a joint house of resistance are being experimented with. All the possible options available for fulfilling the dream of independence are being discussed and put into legal forms.137 Meanwhile, the fate of the leaders who are in prisons and the thousands of Papuans who live in exile, has been brought before international attention. Many nation states have also been voicing support for the free Papua movement. All these achievements have been presenting OPM as an evolving democratic movement. Incorporation of labor struggles, and environmental concerns into its ideological foundations has brought in more support for its rebellion. It is a fact that OPM in its umbrella form has garnered the support of 85-90 percent of Papuans as is discussed above. This is an achievement that violent liberation movements can rarely boast of. Abandonment of the strategy of kidnapping foreigners is visible in the current plans of action of this resistance group, which is indicative of a better acknowledgement of the international support it is evoking. The violent acts of OPM are now exclusively targeting Indonesian military only. But only thing that is lacking in transforming the freedom movement into a catalyst of total freedom, is the lack of an organized movement. But by establishing coalitions like WPNCL, OPM and the freedom fighters of Papua New Guinea are marching ahead to attain their ultimate goal- freedom. References Bilveer Singh, Papua: Geopolitics and the Quest for Nationhood, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2008. Bishop, R. Doak, James Crawford, and Michael Reisman William Foreign Investment Disputes: Cases, Materials, and Commentary. Alphen aan den Rijn, Netherlands: Wolters Kluwer, 2005. Braithwaite, John, Anomie and Violence: Non-truth and Reconciliation in Indonesian Peacebuilding, Canberra: ANUE Press, 2010. Elmslie, Jim, Camellia Webb Gannon and Peter King, “Get Up, Stand Up: West Papua Stands Up For Its Rights”, Centre For Peace and Conflict Studies, The University of Sydney, July 2010, http://sydney.edu.au/arts/peace_conflict/publications/Get%20Up,%20Stand%20Up%20printed.pdf Glazebrook, Diana, “Dwelling in Exile, Perceiving return”, Thesis submitted at the Australian National University, April 2001, http://www.papuaerfgoed.org/files/glazebrook_2001_exile.pdf International Crisis Group, “Indonesia: The Deepening Impasse in Papua”, International Crisis Group Working to Prevent Conflict Worldwide, 3 August 2010, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/B108-indonesia-the-deepening-impasse-in-papua.aspx MacLeod, Jason, “The Role of Strategy in Advancing Nonviolent Resistance in West Papua”, In Building Sustainable Futures: Enacting Peace and Development, ed. Luc Reychler, Julianne Funk Deckard and Kevin HR Vilanueva, Bilbao: University of Deusto, 2009. King, Peter, West Papua & Indonesia Since Suharto: Independence, Autonomy or Chaos?, Sydney: UNSW Press, 2004. Marshall, Steve, “Papuan Fighters Promise Non-violent Future”, ABC, 27 July 2006, http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2006/s1699011.htm National Consortium for Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, “Free Papua Movement”, National Consortium for Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, 2010-2011, http://www.start.umd.edu/start/data_collections/tops/terrorist_organization_profile.asp?id=4023 News and Letters, “West Papua Freedom Struggle: ‘One People, One Soul’”, News and Letters Committees, April 2001, http://www.newsandletters.org/Issues/2001/April/1.04_westpapua.htm Saragih, Bagus BT and Nethy Dharma Somba, “Police Hunt for OPM Rebels”, The Jakarta Post, 25 October 2011, http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/10/25/police-hunt-opm-rebels.html Scoop World, “The Resistance Struggle of the West Papuan People”, Scoop Media, 25 June 2011, http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1106/S00649/the-resistance-struggle-of-the-west-papuan-people.htm Simpson, Brad (ed), “Indonesia’s 1969 Takeover of West Papua Not by “Free Choice””, The National Security Archive, 2004, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB128/index.htm The Free West Papua Movement, “OPM Revolutionary Council”, n.d., http://www.apc.org.nz/wpapua/opm.html University of Texas, “Human Rghts and the Resistance Movement”, University of Texas, n.d., http://www.cs.utexas.edu/~cline/papua/rights.htm West Papua Intellectualist Freedom Fighters, “History of West Papua”, West Papua Intellectualist Freedom Fighters, 2011, http://kkampjogya.multiply.com/journal/item/128/History_of_West_Papua Read More