Effectiveness of Feminist Activist Campaigns in Combating Rape Myths - Literature review Example

Effectiveness of Feminist Activist Campaigns in Combating Rape Myths Name Course Institution Tutor Date Introduction Rape myths refer to widely held, incorrect beliefs regarding rape. They give individuals a false feeling of security by justifying sexual assault or refusing that it took place. This is achieved by putting blame on the victim for what they experience or even making excuses. Such myths make sexual assault to continue by failing to address rape’s realities (Odem 1998). Odem (1998) maintains that, there are a number of rape myths including that, women who are victims of rape provoke the rapists by their way of dressing, rape is done by strangers, men who rape are sexually starved or mentally ill, and it is only young and sexy women who get raped. In response to the various rape myths, a number of feminist activist campaigns have emerged to combat the myths. This paper will discuss three feminist activist campaigns, which are Slutwalk, Femen, and Pussy Riot. Slutwalk According to Leach (2013), Slutwalk refers to an international movement of disapproval marches that started in April 2011, in Ontario, Canada and Toronto, with ensuing rallies taking place globally. Those who engage in the marches protest against giving an excuse for rape or blaming the victim of rape by referring to certain aspects of the appearance of a woman. The movement calls for ending of rape culture. It started after a Toronto based police officer proposed that in order for women to stay safe they should shun dressing like sluts. Slutwalks entails a march by young ladies, with some dressed in attire that is revealing like that worn by sluts. During the numerous Slutwalks that are carried out across the globe, it is normal to find workshops and speaker meetings, sign-making sessions, live music, open microphones, chanting, dances, leafleting, and martial arts (Leach 2013). In a bigger percentage of rallies, as well as online, women talk publicly regarding their rape experiences, with many organizers being rape survivors. By talking about their bad rape experiences in the public is good since it helps not only to encourage those who have been victims of rape but also to make rapists and potential rapists feel guilty (Leach 2013). The rally speakers try to explain and express how traumatizing it is to be raped and the possible negative effects that rape poses on the victim and even her family. Slutwalk tries to pass the message to the male members of the community that, women should be allowed to be free to dress in whatever attire they prefer and that, sex should be based on consent. Women should not be forced to have sex. Slutwalk can be said to be effective to some extent in relation to combating rape myths and efforts of rethinking consent as sex-positive. According to Roy (2011), even though the SlutWalk protests started spontaneously from an upsurge of rage amid young university women after receiving an insult from one police officer through his idea of a rape-avoidance tactic, they spread rapidly across the world. Their spread is a clear indication of the growing number of targeted audience who are receiving the message being conveyed by the protesters. The movement has been somewhat successful in passing its message with more and more participants taking part in the Slutwalks. Drawing from Carr (2013), SlutWalks symbolize the spontaneous fury of women, pro-feminist men, and the LGBT communities, across the globe in opposition to patriarchal rhetoric. Initially, the movement was purely made of women, but pro-feminist men have now joined it. The support of Slutwalk by men symbolizes the way it has been able to convince some that a woman’s mode of dressing should not be a basis for sexual assault or ground for blaming her of inviting rape. However, while some men are trying to shun from the dress code’s rape myth, a bigger percentage of them continue to hold that women are the main cause of the sexual assaults that are committed against them (Carr 2013). Carr (2013) observes that, the SlutWalk movement has pierced the grip that cultures of rape have had on societies, turning women’s objectification on its head using its bold, daring slut’s parody. In addition, it has turned out to be an innovative and unique type of protest in opposition to gender-based violence. With its origin in North America, SlutWalks has dispersed like wildfire to different continents and nations, including those located in the South. In 2011, Slutwalk protests occurred in more than 200 cities, out of which 70 are in US, and a minimum of 40 countries (Westendorf 2013). Locations of Slutwalks have included Hungary, Finland, Spain, Norway, South Africa, Australia, South Korea, Ukraine, Mexico, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Germany, Morocco, Canada and England, among others. Some of the common protest placards at these protests read, "Stop Sexual Profiling", "My Dress Is Not a Yes", "Walk of No Shame", "Slut Pride", and "It's a Man's World—Let's Fuck It Up". In Morocco, the founder of SlutWalk, Majdoline Lyazidi dared women who are victims of sexual harassment on the streets by asking them to defend themselves and to demand respect. She stated that, “shame has to switch sides" (Carr 2013). Rather than being protective about articulating their sexuality, SlutWalkers go on the offense, utilizing street theater to pass their message and getting more attention from the media than ordinary marches for the rights of women. From Australia to India, Denmark to Mexico, every march has been organized locally with independent plan and devoid of any overarching blueprint, bylaws, or organization. Instead, these marches have taken several forms, some giving less attention to the "slut" picture, particularly countries that are more conservative like India (Carr 2013). Women wearing bikini tops have joined others in burkas in Slutwalk marches, students protested alongside nuns and grandmothers, and large numbers of men have also taken part in the marches. Transgender people, gay and lesbian have received good representation in the marches. Drawing from Carr (2013), one young Islamic woman wearing a burka had a sign saying that her burka did not protect her against rape. She was trying to convey the message all over the world that, men should not focus on how women dress; rather focus should be on the culture of rape. From here, it can be said that, the Slutwalk movement, through its various marches in different parts of the world, has achieved success in fighting against the dress-code rape myth. On the other hand, Slutwalk has received a number of criticisms. To start with, as much as the movement advocates for the right of women to dress in whatever attire they wish, encouraging women to do so puts them at a higher risk of being raped. Mike Strobel argues that, the approach being advocated for by Slutwalk is very dangerous, and that he cannot advise a lady to dress in provocative attire in iffy situations (Strovel 2012). In other words, the idea on mode of dressing that Slutwalk has adopted is somehow unrealistic. It is almost impossible for a woman to dress provocatively and expect not invite rape. Accordingly, on this ground, Slutwalk cannot be said to have contributed much in attempts to combat rape myths. Moreover, Slutwalk’s main focus has been on being in a position to choose what one wears without experiencing any form of harassment, instead of the bigger and wider discussion about consent regarding sexual assault. The movement has been blamed for fixating only around liberal issues of personal choice, the pleasant “I can wear what I want” feminism, which is deliberately short of an assessment of power dynamics (Walia 2011). In addition, some common responses have questioned the wisdom behind the use of the term “slut”. They have even suggested that apart from empowering women, trying to repossess the term has the contradictory effect, simply acting as a proof of the acceptance of women of the label used by misogynistic men to refer to the former (Arthurs 2011). This implies that, women ought not to protest for a right to be referred to as sluts. Drawing from the Socialist Worker (2011), using the term "slut" increases the hackles of people who are anxious on the pornification of all and pressuring of young girls to appear like Barbie dolls. Melinda Reist, famous for her position against children sexualization in contemporary pop culture, alleged that, “I believe the name will marginalize women and girls who want to be active in violence prevention campaigns but who don’t feel comfortable with personally owning the word slut" (O'Brien 2011). Leach (2013) observes that, feminists Wendy J Murphy and Gail Dines have proposed that the term ‘slut’ is intrinsically inseparable from the whore/madonna binary opposition and hence, past redemption. They argue that, women should find methods of creating their own genuine sexuality, without using male-defined words like slut. Femen Rohozinska (2012) maintains that, the Femen activist group appeared in a protest scene in the Ukraine in 2008, carrying out mud-wrestling marches on the Independence Square protesting the disreputable dirty politics of the country. It was hoped that, the protest could be effective in launching a serious debate on gender inequality and sexism, issues that keep on plaguing the former Soviet Union’s states. Five years down the line and afterwards a new office based in Paris, Femen agrees about using sextremism to combat patriarchy as evidenced by dictatorship. On the contrary, despite its efforts, the sex industry and church, much closely look like a girlie show. Substance is less than flash. This means that, Femen has not had much impact on sexism matters, such as rape and consent to sex. Rohozinska (2012) further observes that, Femen has drawn a lot of attention in the global media with its antics who are topless, which has made the group to be the most noticeable advocacy group of issues affecting women. On the contrary, a message cannot be said to be effective unless it is clearly passed. Even though it may appear that there cannot be a more evident message than a message that is written on a bare flesh as it is the case with Femen’s stunts, a closer analysis shows that what the group is really proposing continues to be obscured. In other words, Femen has not been in a position to convey its message on sex matters effectively. Moreover, the advocacy group does not focus much on rape myths, rather on different matters affecting women such as women’s sexual exploitation, religion and dictatorship (Rohozinska 2012). Hence, it can be said that, Femen has attained less utility in relation to combating rape myths, and also in attempts of rethinking consent as sex-positive. In an interview that was done by Gazeta.ru, the activist of Femen, Oleksandra Shevchenko said that the goal of the organization is female revolution but did not explain clearly what that really entails (Rohozinska 2012). Additionally, the website of the group offers little past somewhat repeated references of “hot boobs” and garbled slogans. A survey about their marches fails to give much insight into the group’s concrete goals or its contribution to feminism (Rohozinska 2012). In sum, most of Femen’s protests have had insignificant impact in combating rape myths. Pussy Riot According to Macdonald (2013), Pussy Riot is a feminist punk group based in Moscow that mix performance art with attitude of Riot Grrrl. The group drew media attention in 2012 after five members filmed a protest song in an Orthodox church in Russia. Two of them got a two-year jail term. Though the Pussy Riot movement has inspired global protests with support of individuals such as Yoko Ono, Bjork, and Madonna, it has not had much impact on the move against rape myths and consent. Conclusion Rape myths are wrong beliefs about rape. The main feminist activist campaigns that have made some contribution to women’s issues include Slutwalk, Femen and Pussy Riot. Slutwalk focuses much on ending rape culture. The movement has attained some utility in combating rape myths and has been able to pass its intended message, through the greater media attention it has gotten, as well as support from some men. However, it has been criticized for its use of the patriarchal term slut and the risk of dressing provocatively. Femen and Pussy Riot have not been very effective in addressing rape myths. Reference List Arthurs, D 2011, May 10, Thousands of scantily-clad women to march in London as 'SlutWalk' protest reaches UK, Daily Mail. Carr, JL 2013, The SlutWalk Movement: A Study in Transnational Feminist Activism, Journal of Feminist Scholarship, 2013 (4). Leach, B 2013, Slutwalk and Sovereignty: Transnational Protest as Emergent Global Democracy, APSA 2013 Annual Meeting Paper. Macdonald, F 2013, June 4, Pussy Riot, Femen and SlutWalk are working hard to give feminism a voice, Retrieved January 13, 2014, from http://metro.co.uk/2013/06/04/pussy-riot-femen-and-slutwalk-are-working-hard-to-give-feminism-a-voice-3826773/ O'Brien, S 2011, May 11, Ladies and friends will dress to tramp in ‘SlutWalk’", Herald Sun. Odem, ME 1998, Confronting rape and sexual assault, Wilmington, Del., SR Books. Rohozinska, J 2012, November 28, Commentary: The Femen Effect On Feminism, Retrieved January 12, 2014, from http://www.rferl.org/content/commentary-femen-feminism/24783178.html Roy, NS 2011, June 14, Ready or Not, New Delhi Gets a Women's Street Protest, The New York Times. Socialist Worker 2011, May 17, The 'SlutWalk' phenomenon: Women refuse to take the blame for rape, Socialist Worker. Strovel, L 2012, June 14, Strobel: Flaw in the SlutWalk argument, Toronto Sun. Walia, H 2011, May 19, Slutwalk –To March or Not to March, Retrieved January 12, 2013, from http://www.racialicious.com/2011/05/19/slutwalk-%E2%80%93-to-march-or-not-to-march/ Westendorf, C 2013, April 4, You Know at Least One Victim of Sexual Assault, Huffington Post Canada. Read More

Drawing from Carr (2013), SlutWalks symbolize the spontaneous fury of women, pro-feminist men, and the LGBT communities, across the globe in opposition to patriarchal rhetoric. Initially, the movement was purely made of women, but pro-feminist men have now joined it. The support of Slutwalk by men symbolizes the way it has been able to convince some that a woman’s mode of dressing should not be a basis for sexual assault or ground for blaming her of inviting rape. However, while some men are trying to shun from the dress code’s rape myth, a bigger percentage of them continue to hold that women are the main cause of the sexual assaults that are committed against them (Carr 2013).

Carr (2013) observes that, the SlutWalk movement has pierced the grip that cultures of rape have had on societies, turning women’s objectification on its head using its bold, daring slut’s parody. In addition, it has turned out to be an innovative and unique type of protest in opposition to gender-based violence. With its origin in North America, SlutWalks has dispersed like wildfire to different continents and nations, including those located in the South. In 2011, Slutwalk protests occurred in more than 200 cities, out of which 70 are in US, and a minimum of 40 countries (Westendorf 2013).

Locations of Slutwalks have included Hungary, Finland, Spain, Norway, South Africa, Australia, South Korea, Ukraine, Mexico, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Germany, Morocco, Canada and England, among others. Some of the common protest placards at these protests read, "Stop Sexual Profiling", "My Dress Is Not a Yes", "Walk of No Shame", "Slut Pride", and "It's a Man's World—Let's Fuck It Up". In Morocco, the founder of SlutWalk, Majdoline Lyazidi dared women who are victims of sexual harassment on the streets by asking them to defend themselves and to demand respect.

She stated that, “shame has to switch sides" (Carr 2013). Rather than being protective about articulating their sexuality, SlutWalkers go on the offense, utilizing street theater to pass their message and getting more attention from the media than ordinary marches for the rights of women. From Australia to India, Denmark to Mexico, every march has been organized locally with independent plan and devoid of any overarching blueprint, bylaws, or organization. Instead, these marches have taken several forms, some giving less attention to the "slut" picture, particularly countries that are more conservative like India (Carr 2013).

Women wearing bikini tops have joined others in burkas in Slutwalk marches, students protested alongside nuns and grandmothers, and large numbers of men have also taken part in the marches. Transgender people, gay and lesbian have received good representation in the marches. Drawing from Carr (2013), one young Islamic woman wearing a burka had a sign saying that her burka did not protect her against rape. She was trying to convey the message all over the world that, men should not focus on how women dress; rather focus should be on the culture of rape.

From here, it can be said that, the Slutwalk movement, through its various marches in different parts of the world, has achieved success in fighting against the dress-code rape myth. On the other hand, Slutwalk has received a number of criticisms. To start with, as much as the movement advocates for the right of women to dress in whatever attire they wish, encouraging women to do so puts them at a higher risk of being raped. Mike Strobel argues that, the approach being advocated for by Slutwalk is very dangerous, and that he cannot advise a lady to dress in provocative attire in iffy situations (Strovel 2012).

In other words, the idea on mode of dressing that Slutwalk has adopted is somehow unrealistic. It is almost impossible for a woman to dress provocatively and expect not invite rape. Accordingly, on this ground, Slutwalk cannot be said to have contributed much in attempts to combat rape myths. Moreover, Slutwalk’s main focus has been on being in a position to choose what one wears without experiencing any form of harassment, instead of the bigger and wider discussion about consent regarding sexual assault.

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