Constructions of Gender, Sexuality, and the Family in Indian Religions and Cultures - Assignment Example

Constructions of gender, sexuality, and the family in Indian religions and cultures Rank (from worst to best, or best to worst) the way in which the voices of “others” have been portrayed in 3 or 4 of the works we’ve read/films we’ve seen, and discuss your choices. With Respect to Sex: Gayatri Reddy: The author has clearly told about the main inspiration of her to write this book is that her “fieldwork among hijras in the South Indian twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad….” (Reddy, 1) It is during her field work she actually received the scope to mix up with the lives of those people, whose social status or gender factor is still a matter of dilemma and such a social existence is greatly relished by the people as they are called by the name of hijra. This name actually refers to such a community that does not have any capacity to prove their potency in terms of sexual affairs. Thus, their right of social existence as human beings has also been denied by the people and they are regarded simply as alien creatures on the societal plain. In this book, the author has not only discussed about the prevailing social and gender related politics in the Indian context but at the same time through the method of citing real life experiences from the lives of these people, the author has provided her book with a unique dimension that makes it an excellent piece of literature, not just a book over simple theoretical discussion. Notes on love in a Tamil family: Margaret Trawick: This book, like the With Respect to Sex, is also the result of an extensive field work by the author over the family system among South Indian Tamil families. The author has provided clear idea to the reader about her purpose of writing the book, “The remaining chapters of he book are about exactly what the title says, love in a Tamil family …. These chapters describe different aspects of Tamil family life that touch upon love – kinship organization, childrearing, sexual relations, habits of speaking, rules of behavior.” (Trawick, 2) The author has provided detailed understanding of a Tamil family system and at the same time she has also expressed all the simple but important aspects that act as the main factors for maintaining such balance in the family system. Finally, she has also attempted to explain the actual ideological standpoint of a family system through her reference to the Tamil families. Despite all these efforts from the author, however, there is no denial of the truth that reading of the book does not appeal to personal aesthetics as the work of Gayatri Reddy has done. Intimate Relations: Exploring Indian Sexuality:  Sudhir Kakar: This book has been highly appreciated by many scholars across who are working over exploring different dimensions of the Indian society, across the globe. The author clearly mentions, “This book is a psychological study of the relationship between the sexes in India….It is about Indian sexual politics and its particular language of emotions.” (Kakar, 1) Though Sudhir Kakar has come up with diverse types of lively examples from every part of the society to explore the theme of Indian sexual politics as well as emotion related therewith, but it seems while reading the book, that the author has gone deep into the discussion of physiological theories and their application in the Indian context, at the plain of daily existence of common people. Reading appeal of the book seems to be the least among all the three pieces that have been discussed in this context.  2. How has Gayatri Reddy employed some of Margaret Trawick’s discussions on kinship and the family to analyze the ways in which Hyderabdai hijras organize their lives?       While exploring the perspective of organizing the lives of the Hyderabadi hijras, Margaret Trawick’s observation over kinship and family becomes important as she has attempted to compare and contrast the normal conception of family and kinship in the Indian society with that of the Hyderabadi hijras. According to most of the Indian scholars, who have chosen family relationship in the Indian context as the main focus of their works, marriage or any other form of alliance has acted “as the fulcrum of relatedness and the central institution of kinship relations.” (Reddy, 145) Gayatri Reddy has observed that such development of alliance or development of family relationship can be observed in a most conspicuous manner one the societal plain of South India. Any form of marital relationship or development of alliance is highly appreciated in the South Indian context. Margaret Trawick’s in her book, the Notes on Love in a Tamil Family has clearly identified marriage is the key factor of Dravidian kinship. However, in contrast to such observation, if the focus can be shifted to the lives of the Hyderabadi hijras, it can be explicitly observed that in their lives they do not face any such bonds that are equivalent to marital obligation. In this context the author has also observed that Margaret Trawick’s ethnographic understanding of South Indian kinship cannot be matched with that of Hyderabadi hijras, “…her ethnography does not really address the specific kinship arrangement of groups such as hijras that do not explicitly acknowledge marital obligations and procreative kinship arrangement of ideologies…” (Reddy, 145) Observing such diversities, she has clearly suggested that organizational style of the Hyderabdai hijras of their lives can be compared in a more relevant way with those groups that depend over the non-centrality of marriage or the subaltern communities in the Indian social pattern, such as the ‘devdasis’ (wives of the god-kings) or tawa’ifs (courtesans). These specifically ethnic communities exist in the stark contrast to that of the sublime bond of marriage and these are more focused over encoding “an intricate guru-sisya parampara (teacher-disciple tradition) and household structure.” (Reddy, 146) Among the Hyderabadi hijras such social construction is prevalent and the author has provided clear example of such prevalence through the example of Madhavi. The guru, in this context, is acting as the absolute controller of the system and his/her disciples are under compulsion to obey the directions provided by him. Due to this reason Madhabi “had been physically thrown out from under the tank and was ostracized by her guru and all her extended hijra kins.” (Reddy, 142) 4. In brief, contrast the attitudinal differences towards women that are found in the two main sects of Jainism, Svetambara and Digambara.       According to the early documents of Jainism “violence and contact with women were linked as the two sinful actions which had to be avoided above all.” (Olson, 185) Mahavira, the founder of the Jainism, has always maintained strict disciplines and for his followers, he has laid down strict provisions that they are required to withdraw themselves from any kind of temptations, especially those that are related with the women. The Acaranga Sutra has clearly laid down that women are capacitated to “destabilize aesthetic quiescence of the passion” and such destabilization is the main reason for occurrence of the acts of violence in the world. In this book there is clear evidence of the fact that temptation of women can obliterate the calmness that a monk must possess for the success of his journey to eternity, “The greatest temptation in the world is women …. When strongly vexed by the influence of senses, the monk should eat bad food, mortify himself … withdraw his mind from women. First troubles, then pleasures; first pleasure, then troubles: in this way women are the cause of strife …. Thus I say. He should not speak of women, nor look at them, nor converse with them, nor claim them as his own, nor do their work.” (Acaranga Sutra; Olson, 186)       Aftermath the death of Mahavira, the total sect of Jain was classified into two parts, digambaras and svetambara. Like  most of the ideologies, the aspect of attitudinal approach towards women also changed between these two disciplines of Jainism. Digambaras were the orthodox followers of Mahavira’s commands and they were of opinion that women do not possess either of physical or mental capacity or strength that would provide them with the capacity of attaining spiritual liberty. Thus, there is no reference of women coming in close contact with the discipline. On the other hand Svetambaras were much liberalistic in the following and implication of Mahavira’s commands. They opined, unlike Digambaras, that both male and female have the capacity of attaining spiritual liberation. Thus, there are sufficient references of Svetambara monks providing spiritual guidance to women, considering them as human beings, capacitated of attaining spiritual liberation. The most important of such references is that “in the Sveambera tradition the nineteenth tirthankara, Malli (natha), was a woman.” (Shah, 72) 6. How is a hijra not a man, and how is she not a woman?       There is a major cultural conception that denies hijras neither as man nor woman. Though most of the common people think in the line that the social status of hijras “neither as man nor woman” has something to do with male homosexuality aspect but such conception is wrong. Biologically the hijras are intersexed persons but in the Indian cultural context such human beings are considered to be born due to their physical deformities. Serena Nanda has felt, “The word “Hijra” is a masculine noun, most widely translated into English as either “eunuch” or “hermaphrodite”, suggesting that Hijras are primarily thought of men who become like women, though females who do not menstruate can also become Hijras. The glosses “eunuch” or “hermaphrodite” both emphasize sexual impotence, which is understood in India to mean a physical defect, impairing the male sexual function both in intercourse (in the inserter role) and in reproductive ability.” (Nanda; Duberman, 83) It is widely accepted on the societal plain that men have the capacity of being into the role of an inserter. Thus, a person who fulfills the role either with a woman or even with a Hijra, declines from being at such a role. Linguistically, in India, people refer to a man as Hijra, who does not have the capacity or manliness to satisfy the role of an inserter. Sexually impotent persons or a person who does not possess any sexual desire for women counterparts are also referred by such terms. Women with lack of sexual competency are also considered as a Hijra. One common saying of the Hijra community asserts such observation, “Never has a Hijra looked upon a woman with a bad eye. We are like bullocks, castrated cattle.” (Nanda; Duberman, 83)       Thus, determination of a person’s gender status is exclusively dependent over sexual capacity of the person towards the other sex. Serena Nanda has observed that the “view of hijras as an “inbetween” gender begins with their being men who are impotent, therefore not men… Hijras are men who are impotent for one reason or another and only become hijras by having their genitals cut off.” (Nanda; Abelove, Barale, Halperin, 544) Such process also constitutes the social identity of a person as hijra. It is clear from  such observation that on one hand those male who do not possess the capacity of their identification through their sexual organs are considered as hijra and on the other hand, those women, who are deprived of the development of their sexual features also belong in the same category. As the society is still dependent over the perception of senses, that is why it is not possible for it to classify a person in terms of male or female. Consequently, it gives birth to hijras who do not belong to the category of neither men nor women according to the social perception.        Works Cited: 1. Kakar, Sudhir, Intimate Relations: Exploring Indian Sexuality, University Of Chicago Press, 1990 2. Reddy, Gayatri, With respect to sex: negotiating hijra identity in South India, University of Chicago Press, 2005 3. Trawick, Margaret, Notes on love in a Tamil family, University of California Press, 1992 4. Olson, Carl, Celibacy and Religious Traditions, Oxford University Press US, 2007 5. Shah, Natubhai, Jainism: the world of conquerors, Sussex Academic Press, 1998 6. Halperin, David M., Barale, Michèle Aina, Abelove, Henry, The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader, Routledge, 1993 7. Duberman, Martin B., A queer world: the Center for Lesbian and Gay Studies reader, NYU Press, 1997 Read More