The Ecology of English in a Country or Community Where English Is a Foreign Language - Literature review Example

Running Head: DESCRIBE THE ECOLOGY OF ENGLISH IN A COUNTRY OR COMMUNITY WHERE ENGLISH IS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE By ---------------------------------------- A REPORT Submitted to ----------------------------------------------- © 2011 ABSTRACT The 19th century saw widespread use of English language globally to the extent that a number of scholars wondered whether it was a decade of English. The same was extended to 20th century making it appear as if it was dedicated to spreading English. Yet Haugen (1972) argued that these were but only prelude to spectacular triumph for English in the forthcoming century. Based on these arguments, it has become fundamental for the current author to delve into a study exploring the ecology of English, particularly in a region where it is considered a foreign language. The following report therefore introduces the ecology of English under the said conditions. The report classifies English in relation to other languages as well as identifying its learners and users in the author’s chosen context. The report further addresses a number of other issues concerning the ecology of English as outlined in forthcoming sections shown below. For all purposes and intend, Singapore has been identified as the country of reference because of being a multiracial, multicultural and multilingual nation. Introduction Haugen (1972) attempted to define language ecology as the study of interaction between any given language and its environment. According to him, the true environment of a language is the society that uses it as one of its means of communication. Additionally, McArthur (1987) argues that language exits only in the minds of its users and purely functions as a socialising agent in communities. In this sense therefore, language has both social and natural aspects. Two parts of language ecology; psychological and sociological have come out clearly according to observations made by Tripathi (1992). The psychological part requires any student doing ecology of a language to look at its interaction with other languages in the minds of bilingual and multilingual speakers (Quirk, 1985). Secondly, the sociological aspect of a language’s ecology is concerned with its interaction with the society in which it is used as a medium of communication. It is therefore believed that the learners and users of a language who ultimately transmit it to others primarily determine ecology of the language (Haugen, 1972). As earlier hinted, this report considers the “ecology of English in Singapore” because the country makes an interesting case study of various issues in sociolinguistics, not simply because it is an ethnically and linguistically diverse society, but because it has a history of attempts at social engineering (Pennycook, 1994). Moreover, the country has selected English as the language of commerce among a plethora of other languages including Mandarin, Malay, Hokkien, Cantonese, Teochew and Tamil (Pennycook, 1994). According to Fraser (1992), the ecology of English in Singapore is characterised by language shift motivated by the practical daily use of English and policy on education. The two are in turn influenced by racial politics found vibrant in the region of study. It is with such background that the author considers this report with particular reference to the topics based on the model of Haugen (1972) outlined below. 1. Classification of English Kachru (1990) splits the English speaking community in the world into what he calls “speech fellowships”. In his classification, he intends to show the principal distinctive differences and similarities in the world of English users. He therefore uses the term ‘World Englishes’ in order to show the uniqueness rather than divisiveness of English in the world community. Based on this categorisation, three classes of English speakers are identified as ‘The Inner Circle’, ‘The Outer Circle’, and ‘The Expanding Circle’ (Quirk, 1985). The countries and number of English speakers in each class are shown in Table 1 below. Table 1: The three circles of English as reproduced from Kachru (1990) Country No. Of English Speakers(Million) Country No. Of English Speakers(Million) Country No. Of English Speakers(Million) The Inner Circle The Outer Circle The Expanding Circle USA 245.8 Bangladesh 107.8 China 1,088.2 UK 57.0 Ghana 13.8 Egypt 50.3 Canada 25.9 India 810.8 Indonesia 175.9 Australia 16.5 Kenya 23.0 Israel 4.5 New Zealand 3.4 Malaysia 17.0 Japan 122.6 Nigeria 112.3 Korea 42.6 Pakistan 109.4 Philippines 58.7 Singapore 2.6 Sri Lanka 16.6 Tanzania 23.9 Zambia 7.4 However, there is a fundamental tone of voice that questions the wisdom of using a blanket term of ‘English’ when there is a possibility of an emergence of new Englishes with little in common to the original (Tripathi, 1992). From the foregoing, the worldliness of English was then reconstructed into an ideological form that includes native and non-native speakers who have both material and professional interest in English (Pennycook, 1994; Philipson, 1992). In the same stride, Quirk (1985) classifies world English into core and periphery English with the former being used in UK and America and the latter elsewhere in the world. Quirk additionally talks of ‘common core of English’ and highlights the degree of agreement, ignoring any amount of divergence among the varieties of English in the world (Kachru, 1990). This classification tends to agree with the one proposed by Ferguson (1959) which denotes two varieties of a language namely high (H) and low (L). The H variety is an expression for high status/low intimacy while L denotes low status/high intimacy (Quirk, 1985). These varieties are further considered by Ferguson in terms of two parameters namely writing and standardization. Finally, Kachru (1990) classifies languages by assigning four attributes to a language including (a) autonomy (b) standardization (c) history (d) vitality. Each of these attributes is assigned a quality (plus or minus) and seven types are distinguished thus: standard (plus 1-4), classical (plus 1-3), artificial (plus 1-2), vernacular (plus 2-4), dialect (plus 3-4), Creole (plus 4), pidgin (all minuses). This type of classification is very useful in identifying a sociolinguistic pattern of a region/country as well as singling out the extent of use as a percentage of the national population (Pennycook, 1994). However, the problem is that the four attributes are dependent on each other in addition to the exclusion linguistic overlap among the speakers as has been proved by several studies (Quirk, 1985). 2. Learners and Users of English in Singapore In Singapore, English operates in a complex linguistic ecology due to the country’s history. A diversity of English interacts with each other and with other languages. This diversity includes a localised Standard and another category of English that is recognized by the society (Anne et al, 2010). Furthermore, individual Singaporeans have varying degrees of personal experience with English viz: as a native language - a very small percentage; second or foreign language - a major percentage; and those with no knowledge of English at all. a). Learners of English A bilingual policy that enables children to be proficient in English is already in place in Singapore. Being the language of commerce, technology and administration, English becomes critical to the future generation who must also learn their mother tongue (Mandarin, Malay or Tamil) in preservation of their cultural heritage (Ferguson, 1962). According to (Lisa, 2010), English has emerged as the ‘lingua franca’ of the Singapore resident population composed of Chinese, Malays and Indians whose respective percentage learners of English stood at 19.8%, 3.2% and 22.1% in 1990 respectively. Recent statistics of 2010 population census indicate an upward trend with the majority of learners being the younger age group, both male and female found in institutions of learning (Anne et al, 2010). Although a slight increase in enrolment of adult Singaporean to learn English as a second language has been noted, the increase is far less compared to the one registered by younger age groups. Additionally, international students at institutions of higher learning are forming yet another significant group of learners of English in Singapore as noted by Anne et al (2010). b). Users of English Generally, the users of English have been noted to be both the native and non-native Singaporeans. As mentioned earlier, Singapore has at least four official languages, including English, Mandarin, Malay and Tamil (Lisa, 2010). Among these languages, English is the most official especially in government offices as well as a medium of instruction in schools. Additionally, English plays an important official status at national level as noted by Anne et al (2010). It is also spoken as a second language at the personal level. In view of this, Crystal (1995) classifies English in Singapore as an official second language and cites an evidence of its widespread use as a family language. This is supported by the recent rise in English literacy for Singapore residents according to 2010 Population Census data (Lisa, 2010). Based on these statistics, 80% of literate residents aged 15 years and over were literate in English in 2010, up from 71% in 2000. In tandem with this rise, the use of English as home language has become more widespread. This is especially so among younger age groups as evidenced by the 2000 statistics showing English as the home language for 52 % of the Chinese and 50 % of the Indians living in Singapore aged 5-14 years (Vaish, 2008). Comparatively, 9.4 % used English as the home language for Malays of the same age group in the same period. The general trend indicates that the proportion speaking English increases with higher educational qualification with 47% of Chinese, 43% of Malays’ and 43% of Indians’ university graduates speaking English regularly at home in 2000 (Vaish, 2008). In contrast, only 10% of those with no qualifications speak English at home for all the three main ethnic groups. When an age criterion is considered, English appears to be the language for the young with 36% of the children aged 5–14 years speaking in English in 2000 compared to 22% of youths aged 15–24 years and 25% of those aged 25-54 years (Anne et al, 2010). Surprisingly, English is rarely used religious circles as mother tongues take centre stage in religion domain. 3. Domains of English Use A language can grow or decline in terms of its speakers. This long-term phenomenon can be measured, monitored and/or forecasted. As concerns English, the number of its users and learners is deemed volatile as illustrated by Pennycook (1994) in Singapore. As demonstrated by Vaish (2008), the use of English in Singaporean schools and public communication supersedes the use of mother tongues namely Mandarin, Malay and Tamil. In the domain of social networking including family and friends as well as media, English is similarly shown to compete with the three mother tongues. Additionally, it is the dominating language in the domain of work as earlier noted. However, the mother tongues dominate English in the domain of religion in varying degrees across the three major ethnic groups (Vincent, 2001). While Malay and Indians sustain the mother tongues, there is an expanding use of Arabic and Sanskrit in religious circles (Vaish, 2008). It is interesting to note that English teaching is central in Singapore educational system as evidenced by the changing of the education syllabus in 1991 to accord English the first language status in the national school curriculum under Singapore’s unique ‘bilingual education policy’. Lisa (2010) explains that this was necessary for Singapore in striving to globally compete with other nations of the world in developing human resources for the global market. Nevertheless, the policy makers in Singapore consider another factor- onslaught of what is perceived as the westernization of Singaporeans through the globalization of undesirable values and practices (Vaish, 2008). They seek to ensure that Singapore is neither flooded by external forces nor in danger of becoming a dump-state and thus insist on the teaching and learning of the mother tongues as second languages. In so doing, Singaporeans will remain rooted in their local cultures and histories and steadfast in their respect for Asian traditions and values (Pennycook, 1994). 4. Concurrent Languages employed by users Singapore is not only multi-racial but also multi-cultural as well as multi-lingual with four major languages namely Mandarin, Malay, English and Tamil. This creates a unique language situation as noted by Vaish (2008). The interesting point to note is that the bilingualism in Singapore is the proficient use of English with one other language and not proficiency in any other two languages as shown in Table 2 below (Gupta, 1988). Table 2: Concurrent languages Ethnic Group/Language Literacy In Percent Ethnic Group/Language Literacy In Percent Ethnic Group/Language Literacy In Percent 1990 2000 1990 2000 1990 2000 Chinese 100 100 Malays 100 100 Indians 100 100 English Only 19.8 16.4 English Only 3.2 2.0 English Only 22.1 21.5 Chinese Only 40.6 32.0 Malay Only 27.3 19.8 Tamil Only 14.5 8.9 English & Chinese Only 37.8 48.3 English & Malay Only 68.1 76.7 English & Tamil Only 31.5 37.5 Others 1.9 3.3 Others 1.4 1.5 English & Malay Only 19.1 17.4 Others 12.8 14.6 Source: Census of Population, 2000 It can be observed from the table above that there is a high degree of bilingualism. For instance, the average percentage use of English and any other language (43%, 72.6% and 34.5% respectively) is far much higher than percentage use for any single language. Percentage of Singaporeans using mother tongues only (Chinese, Malay or Tamil) has decreased, while average bilingual use (English and any other language) has either increased or stayed steady. The use of English is surely contributing to nationalism of Singapore and in creation of its identity as is explained in the last three paragraphs of Section 4 above. 5. Varieties of English Whenever different ethnic groups in any country communicate in English, there is always an emergence of new varieties of English or dialects. If these varieties are termed ‘New Englishes’, then they become markers of national identities for the users (Abbot, 1989). Since the introduction of bilingual policy in Singapore, new varieties of English have truly emerged. Crewe (1977) for instance observed that English as used in Singapore follows a ‘non-native’ dialect as it has some ‘foreignness’ to native speakers of other English-speaking countries. For this reason, the emergence of Singapore English would develop its own norms of acceptability and usage, hence giving Singaporeans a sense of national identity. One very prominent variety of English has been identified in Singapore as the ‘print’ Standard or ‘core English’ (Vincent, 2001). This variety has been making serious inroads in official communication in Singapore. Apart from the foregoing variety of English, another verbal variety known as Singlish has emerged and appears meaningless to a foreigner as it is an extremely hurried speech. In the views of Abbot (1989), “Singlish is a distinctive variant of colonial English whose syntax and vocabulary have not only been invaded but also in some cases subjugated by Hokkien and Malay”. “It is not simply a difference in accent, pronunciation or vocabulary with poor contracted English but an inclusion of all of them in different measures, spoken differently by different people in different contexts and, in many cases, quite unintelligible to a non-Singlish-speaker” (Phillipson, 1992). In addition to these varieties, there are a myriad of dialects spread across the three major ethnic groups of Chinese, Malay and Tamil. 6. Nature of Written Tradition English is extensively used in written form in all types of publications in Singapore. The mostly written variety of English in Singapore is British English as it has been institutionalized as the language of instruction in schools, official language as well as being widespread among the main ethnic groups (McArthur, 1987). In fact, children learn their mother tongues as a subject because the Government thinks that the emergence of Singapore English (Singlish) is a sign of decline in local English standards and has therefore tried to import native English speakers to teach in schools in order to improve the declining English standard (Gopinathan et al, 1994). Among the domains of work, education, media and government, English is the medium of communication in both written and spoken form. Moreover, the Singapore government has been revising the English language syllabus every ten years in line with her English language curriculum and policy. Things like national concerns, changing linguistic landscape in Singaporean schools, pedagogy and development in language study have contributed to the desire to undertake these revisions. Similarly, the need for a knowledge-based economy that aims to nurture talent and develop individual potential in order to realize Singapore’s vision of an ‘intelligent island’ (Anthea & Tan, 1992) and enhance its economic competitiveness has been another vital factor in consideration in these revisions. 7. Standardisation of the English language in Singapore It has been noted that the first attempts at standardizing English in Singapore came in form of English language curriculum and policy. Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) made inroads into Singapore’s educational landscape in 1980’s and the 1991 syllabus signalled a major idea shift from emphasis in formal accuracy and distinct grammar items into a focus on meaning and communicative fluency (Tripathi, 1992). Moreover, the 2001 English language syllabus further defined the position of English in Singapore by re-emphasising the production of independent lifelong learners, capable of communicating effectively in English (Vincent, 2001). 8. Institutional support for English As explained in the preceding paragraphs, English as a medium of communication and instruction has received tremendous support from quarters including the Government, Ministry of Education, media, scholars as well as politicians. (Vaish, 2008) observes “the English language syllabus continues to receive tremendous attention from local politicians, the media and scholars alike, motivated typically by a normatively-driven agenda”. 9. Attitudes of Singaporean English users towards English There is a disturbing trend emerging in Singapore – mother tongue use is more and more associated with lowest socio-economic class and English with higher educated Singaporeans. Educated Singaporeans are abandoning Tamil, Mandarin or Malay for English. Vaish (2008) observe that educated people find it easier to move up into semi- and professional classes through English education while the uneducated find themselves stuck in lower jobs and do not see room to advancing. There is stigmatization among the uneducated Singaporean “coolies” so much so that the educated do not want to be associated with them (Crewe, 1977). Crewe further argues that with the increased use of stigmatized labels, Singapore is poised to develop into a classical society with the less educated on a path of low socio-economic outcome and low prestige while the highly educated joining high socio-economic class leaving their mother tongue behind. Educated Singaporeans do not seem to reserve any domain for mother tongues other than, perhaps, age related relatives. They similarly think that there are no reserved jobs for mother tongue languages and English is thus the preferred code in almost all domains. 10. Conclusion From the foregoing literature, it is clear mother tongues have their future although they remain as subjects in the classroom and function in less and less degree in other domains of language use. Singaporean children are now aware that their success in English is what will determine their overall socio-economic success. For this reason, the community needs to be more proactive by expanding the roles of mother tongues in order to maintain integrity and standing of Singaporeans in the international community (Gupta, 1988). Again, English is currently not only lingua franca but also the language of the future as it seems to be growing in popularity. This will in turn help the educators ensure that Singaporeans are effective bilinguals capable of communicating with one another and with the rest of the world (Lisa, 2010). The challenge therefore will be to determine whether Singapore can use English to bridge the gap between ethnic groups found in her multilingual and multiethnic setup. The country cannot therefore afford not to become a bilingual society. REFERENCES Abbot, G. (1989). ‘Understanding One Another’s Englishes’. Rani Rubdy, Indian. Anne, P., Lisa, L & Lionel, W. (2010). English in Singapore: Modernity and Management. (Asian Englishes Today). Hong Kong University Press. 19-54. Anthea, F. G & Tan, C. H. (1992). Post-vocalic /r/ in Singapore English. York Papers in Linguistics 16, 139-152. Crewe, W. (1977). ‘Singapore English as a Non-Native Dialect’. A. Mani ed. Southeast Asia. Crystal, D. (1995). The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of the English Language. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press. Ferguson, C. A. (1959), ‘Diglossia’ Word 15, 325-40 Ferguson, C. A. (1962), ‘The language factor in national development’ In Rice 1962, 8-14 Gopinathan, S et al. (1994), Language, Society and Education in Singapore. 2nd ed. Singapore: Times Academic Press. Gupta, A. F. (1988). ‘A Standard for Written Singapore English?’ A. Mani ed. Southeast Asia. Haugen, E. (1972). The Ecology of Language, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA. Kachru, B. B. (1985). Standards, codification, and sociolinguistic realism: the English language in the outer circle. In Quirk & Widdowson, eds (1985), pp. 11-30. Kachru, B. B. (1990). World Englishes and applied linguistics. In: World Englishes 9:1, pp. 3-20. Lisa, L. (2010). Migrants and ‘mother tongues’: Extralinguistic forces in the ecology of English in Singapore. Hong Kong University Press. 19-54. McArthur, T. (1987). The English Languages? In: English Today 11:3, 9-11. Pennycook, A. (1994). The Cultural Politics of English as an International Language, London, Longman. Phillipson, R. L. (1992). ELT: the native speaker’s burden? In ELT Journal 46:1, pp. 12-8. Quirk, R. (1985). The English language in a global context, Cambridge. Cambridge University Press, pp. 1-6. Tripathi, P. D. (1992). English: ‘The Chosen Tongue’. In English Today 32, 8:4, pp. 3-11. Vaish, V. (2008). Mother Tongues, English, and Religion in Singapore. A Journal Article. Vincent, B. Y. (2001). The English Language in Singapore and Malaysia. A Journal Article. Read More