International Production and Governance - Book Report/Review Example

PORTFOLIO OF SEMINAR WORK INTERNATIONAL PRODUCTION AND GOVERNANCE Table of Content UNIT GLOBALISATION 3 UNIT 2: IDEAS SHAPING THE GLOBAL ECONOMY 6 UNIT 3: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMY 9 UNIT 7: LEARNING FIRMS AND THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY 13 UNIT 9: WORKING IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY 17 References 21 Nayyar's discussion on globalisation analyses the historical trend in relation to its implications for development. A picture of globalisation during the 19th and 20th century is presented in which striking parallels are revealed, as well as important differences and similarities. The discussion reveals that rapid growth and economic convergence are not what globalisation has trailed even then and that of the current time. Rather, Nayyar argues that the gap between the industrialised and developing nations widened through the globalisation trend with growth slowing down and income levels diverging. It turns out that globalisation is after all not a fairy tale occurrence that ensures convergence and development for nations (Nayyar 2006). Since the process of globalisation means different things to different people, confusion and disagreement is a common scenario. Its process is made possible in the realm of the behaviour of transnational corporations through new technologies that allow fragmentation of production as well as reduction in the cost of transport and communications (Jovanovic 2008, p. 48). In the globalisation trend, the power of firms is elevated to the detriment of that of the state; however, despite this occurrence, governments are able to cap the process through support of the general public and non-government organisations (ibid, p. 50). There were once hopes that globalisation will benefit the economic status of a nation, but its downside becomes more and more apparent leading to the contrary belief. A difficulty in defining globalisation involves whether the term ceases to be economic in character and proceeds to being political as well, which involves regulatory, procedural, and governmental pursuits. The management of economic interdependence or the provision of goods are not the only ones at stake, but the possibilities for governance of a public realm (Jaguaribe 2005, p. 2). This would specifically involve defining the prospects for guaranteeing entitlements and developing modalities of political cooperation that govern nations in order to guarantee the system's operation (Jaguaribe 2005, p. 2). It may be inferred that the extent to which globalisation in the late nineteenth century becomes a new trend is in the provision of global public goods without the requisites of global government. This scenario was not looked upon prior to its form in the 20th century. Taking an economic and political viewpoint, there is a substantial agreement that the 20th wave of globalisation is different from its nineteenth century modality both qualitatively and quantitatively. The difference lies in important factors such as the weight of trade and investments in the determination of growth; the deregulation of exchange markets; and the emergence of production and communication technologies that caused to alter the manner in which goods are produced and how people interact (Nayyar 1998, p. 12). Another difference is that there are economic practices that do not correspond to political geographies which globalisation has created and power relations among global players were altered. It may also be posited that the globalisation trend caused national states to loose strategic importance while transnational corporations obtain a heightened economic predominance without any form of public accountability. Although it may be true that globalisation caused the increasing interdependencies among markets and states and peoples expanded the global public goods, political problems of administration were likewise increased by it (Jaguaribe 2005, p. 11). Pertaining to debates that ensue concerning the term, George Monbiot argues that globalisation is a problematic term that creates an anti-globalisation movement which makes it become perceived as something that it is not (Monbiot 2003, p. 23). It is wrongly viewed as being in favour of separation and autarchy rather than being associated with internationalism, which is often a character of progressive politics (ibid). Monbiot argues that social mutation is taking place due to globalisation, which is described as half-developed. The preaching of free trade by world's richest governments is undertaken vis--vis artificial restrictions on the development of their poorer counterpart through malicious machineries like IMF, WTO, World Bank, and the United Nations through its security council. Monbiot argues that it is time for globalisation to benefit everyone, not just the few (Monbiot 2003, p. 81). Naomi Klein, on the other hand, posits about the parts of globalisation, focusing on the economic politics under the innocuous name of free trade enacted in its name. She opposes the disparity that ensues among the rich and the poor caused by the outsets of free trade and the corresponding politics that govern it. The World Trade Organization (WTO) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are international institutions that legitimize the occurrence of this politics. Globalisation is viewed by Klein as not just the opening of barriers for a global community, but more so, an instrument for controlling people in the interest of the corporations with money as the primary goal (Klein 2002, p. 13). UNIT 2: IDEAS SHAPING THE GLOBAL ECONOMY Discussion articles Chang, H.J. (2002) 'Breaking the mould: an institutionalist political economy to the neoliberal theory of the market and the state, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 26: 539-559. What do you understand by the term neo-liberalism. Discuss the author's critique of the neoliberal analysis of the role of the state What does he present as an alternative 'institutionalist political economy' Summarise the main strands of either a neoclassical, Keynesian or Marxist approach to the market and the state. Ha-Joon Chang critically examines the dominant view of the role of the state vis--vis the neoliberal discourse and offers an alternative framework through institutionalist political economy (IPE). He traces some basic assumptions governing the neoliberal discourse on the current role of the state and argues that this discourse is based on how the market, the state, and institutions are conceptualised and how their interrelationships are theorized (Chang 2002). Neoliberalism is a term that refers to the reemergence of the concept of liberalism which advocates such policies as free trade and free markets. It has also been used to refer to a political movement in which free market positions are endorsed, such as anti-unionism, welfare reform, and open market economics (Baldwin 1993, p. 23) . It may be inferred that the term aims the transfer of the control of the economy from the machineries of the state to the private sector (ibid, p. 23). The economic benefits that underlie its arguments are outlined in Adam Smith's 'The Wealth of Nations,' directed against the Mercantilist ideas that prevailed in the 19th century, guiding the policies of governments throughout this period. In Chang's literature, four main aspects of the neoliberal framework are discussed. These are the concept of 'free market,' the implications of market failure, the assumption of market primacy, and the analysis of politics, all contributing to the understanding of the concept of neoliberalism (Chang 2002). In relation to the neoliberal analysis of the role of the state, the author argues against the view that individuals are governed by pre-formed selfish motivations and that they interact in complex ways (Chang 2002). Rather, such motivations are fundamentally formed by institutions which influence the formation of preferences. It is important to acknowledge that non-selfish values are institutionally emphasized and individuals internalize several values especially in the public sphere of the state. Chang criticizes the dominant neo-liberal discourse of the role of the state which currently thrives in several literatures and points out the inadequate analyses of such in the role of institutions and politics. According to him, the core problem with the neo-liberal paradigm is not its anti-interventionist policy but how it views the modus operandi governing the market, the state, and institutions, alongside their interrelationships (Chang 2002). In terms of the analysis of politics, Chang questions the neoliberal claim on the position that politics corrupts the market. He further argues that the neoliberal notion of the uncorrupted market is grounded on specific sets of political beliefs in which superiority over other sets of political beliefs cannot be claimed. Politics should hence be viewed as an "institutionally structured process" (Chang 2002). This is because institutions generally influence people's perceptions of their own interests alongside appropriate standard political behaviour, not just because they tend to shape people's political actions. Chang presents a concept of 'institutionalist political economy' as an alternative to the neoliberal discourse and states that economic and sociopolitical factors must be placed at the center of the development of economic practices, which he considers a broader approach to economics, which must replace the current neo-liberal thinking. The Main Strands of Marxist Approach to the Market and the State The core arguments of Marxism dwells on the idea that the economy is a sphere of human exploitation in which class inequality and class conflict exist, thus, trailing away the economic benefits put forward by the theory of neoliberalism. Marxism views the zero-sum argument advanced by old economic models being relative to the relations of classes rather than relations of states. There are certain degrees of agreement between mercantilism and neoliberalism, particularly on the idea that economics and politics are loosely related; however, Marxism rejects the idea that economics is the tool of politics and argues for the reverse (Hetzel 1994). It rejects the idea of a free-market economy advanced by economic liberalism, arguing on the point that one social class - the bourgeoisie - owns the means of production, while the proletariat, the exploited class in a capitalist society, needs to sell its labour force to create surplus value, an expression of exploitation. The theory of Marxism extends its argument of the free market economy from merely dwelling on the market system towards the concept of relations of production, which governs the lives and statuses of people. Through the contradiction ensued in the relations of production, a new social system may emerge upon the extinction of an old one such as the demise of feudalism through the emergence of capitalism. Marxism explores the inequalities among the relations of production in which alterations are possible through a socialist uprising, which advances the welfare of the proletariat who should manage the state system and put certain control on the market (Hetzel 1994). UNIT 3: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMY Dunford, M. (2005) 'Old Europe, new Europe and the USA: comparative economic performance and market led models of development', European Urban and Regional Studies, 12, 2:149-176. Summarise the economic performance of continental Europe and Anglo-American economies. Discuss the impact in terms of the distribution of income and the irregular economy. To what extent has the government of your country moved towards relying on neoliberal policies Critically evaluate the success of these changes in policy. The significant refashioning of the world is largely attributed to the collapse of communism in Europe and the recent expansion of the European Union. This has led to the increase in size of the region which is currently facing internal divisions between Old and New Europe. Europe, North America, and East Asia ( Dunford 2005). At the same time, Anglo American/neo-liberal economic ideologies shape the emergence of globalisation, economic transformation, and integration (ibid). Dunford explores some of the implications of these developments on the part of the New Europe. He addresses the issue of Europe's loss of economic momentum in relation to its trans-Atlantic rival, with Rhine capitalism being superior to Anglo-American capitalism. Likewise, he considers the inquiry about the European Union being a catch-up machine with widening inequalities alongside discussions of the social and territorial impacts that caused the transition in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. There is an impact in the market-led models of development on growth and inequality due to these occurrences. Dunford argues that there is subjection of different parts of Europe to similar economic strategies while there are also different parts of the continent considered similar and produce differentiated economic and social geographies (Dunford 2005). It may be inferred that Eastern Europe's restructuring during the recession was impacted by the collapse of the state social heavy industry core. There was a corresponding collapse in industrial outputs and exports alongside the collapse of labour. This has led for real wages to drop from 2/3 to half their level in 1989 along with the disappearance of firm-based social benefits and the halving of union density (Greskovits, 2004). Several workers were laid off, were forced to pursue early retirement, or sent back to the household with fast employment being hardly an option. At this time, foreign capital was not in a hurry to overtake the big coal mills, steel mills, and coal mines. Despite these occurrences, Slovenia and Visegrad states, considered forerunners in market reforms, were able to attract foreign capitals in their traditional light industries (Greskovits, 2004). The textile, garment, footwear, and furniture industries were utilised by Western transnational businesses who set up export oriented subsidiaries and subcontracting operations. What followed was an extremely hostile environment for labour with the collapse of the heavy industry and the corresponding emergence of the transnational division of labour in the light industries (ibid). Mass social dislocation took place while transnational businesses conspired against an accommodation of workers' demands in union-free sweatshops of low-cost and low-skilled labour forces. In continental Western Europe, the present high-performing economy enables participants to engage in careers that offer personal growth, leading towards high productivity, with relatively high wages for high performers. This dynamism is absent in the relatively poor economic performance found in some of the large OECD economies (Phelps 2003). In relation to this, the measured productivity in Belgium and Western Germany are quite high although there are other performances measured notoriously low. In terms of Anglo American economies, tax levels in Canada are recorded below those in other industrialised nations, yet, advocacies against ax levels continued unabated. Taxes were recorded at 36.7 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) in 1998. In 2004, tax levels in OECD countries, particularly the average industrialised ones, were over 2 percent higher than in Canada. Yet, more tax cuts are the current federal government's major priority despite these relative low tax levels (Lee 2006). In the United States, the irregular economy is exemplified by covert unrecorded economic sector existing within its overall economy the size of the entire economy of Canada (Feige 2001, p. 5). The growth of irregular economy has been triggered by the progressive tax schedules in an inflationary scenario. Such is undertaken in the firms' entry into the irregular sector by circumventing costs of regulation (ibid). The Extent to which the Government of My Country Moved Towards Relying on Neo-liberal Policies The UK governance creates an impact on national political and administrative systems, as well as domestic politics and policies. There is a current urge for the entire Europe to succumb to "Europeanisation," which in turn affects policy-making and governance in UK (Lenschow 2004). The shift of political responsibilities and possibly, as well as public loyalty to the European level has implied a relative connection to the state structures, while there are some debates that claim that European-level arrangements have strengthened UK's national government (Lenschow 2004). The country has adopted a multi-level governance in which the multitude of political and societal actors is considered potential parts of a dynamic network while the vertical levels are interlinked in the concept of multi-level governance. The UK undertakes a governance structure characteristic of a top-down process, which produces an impact on its domestic structures. The top-down impact suggests reorienting the direction and shape of politics in a way that UK political and economic movements and dynamics become a part of the larger organizational process of policymaking (Lenschow 2004). The surging heights of globalization prompt the country to restructure its competitiveness towards the demand of the global market through unified efforts of its public and quasi-public organisations, and the private sector. Its sustainability is one geared towards trade liberalisation and capitalist laissez faire in which nations are encouraged to pursue a free market economy and leave the trails of protectionist policies, a road that it has never directed itself. In order to pursue and sustain these objectives, the country is unified towards constructing legislations that support this end. It may be posited that the primary goal of the UK in its functioning is ascertaining the dynamism of economic activities within the region, framed within the construct of the growing capitalist competitive market. Liberalizing one's market and trade would mean participating in the capitalist life cycle that needs elimination of surpluses and purchasing other needed products, which are both possible by opening one's domestic market (Kohler-Koch 1997). UNIT 7: LEARNING FIRMS AND THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY 'Learning' or 'coercive' firms Foreign investment, restructuring transforming economies and the case of ABB in Poland' International Journal Concepts and Philosophy, 2, 3: 277-297. Select a case study foreign investment and assess its costs and/or benefits to a specific region or locality. Nike, Inc. and Its Outsourcing Strategy Nike, Inc. is considered the largest supplier of athletic shoes in the world, which outsources 100 percent of its shoe production from other companies and manufactures Nike Air system only from its key technical components (Quinn and Hillmer, 1995). The company is engaged in a technology-and-fashion-intensive production process, wherein flexibility in both production and marketing processes is a requirement (ibid). Through its concentration on preproduction activities that highly involve research and development and post-production activities that are altogether linked, Nike, Inc. is able to draw maximum value (ibid). The company utilizes a carefully developed on-site expatriate program that coordinates with its foreign-based suppliers. It outsources the advertising component of its marketing program to Wieden & Kennedy, making it position itself on top of the recognition scale. Through most of the past decades, the footwear company was able to grow at a compounded 20 percent growth rate (Quinn and Hillmer, 1995). It maximizes returns on internal resources by concentrating investments and energies on its specialisation process. Its well-developed core competencies provide formidable barriers against present and future competitors that seek to expand into its domain of product interest; thus, enabling it to protect the strategic advantages of its market shares. The greatest leverage of the enterprise is its ability to utilize its external suppliers, innovations, investments, and specialized professional capabilities. Its adoption of outsourcing strategies enables it to decrease risks commonly associated with regular operations. It likewise shortens production cycle, lower investment, and creates better responsiveness to customer needs. It may be inferred that all these contribute to the tremendous sales and recognition scale of Nike, Inc., which is also able to leverage its resources this way. Outsourcing is a world flattener mentioned by Friedman (2005) in his discussion of globalisation, which enables a firm to concentrate its resources on a set of core competencies and in turn provide unique value for customers while achieving definable growth preeminence (Amey, et al. 2002.). Nike, Inc. has strategically outsourced other activities involving several traditionally considered areas considered integral to any organization for which it has neither a special capability nor a critical strategic need (ibid). The principles of globalisation in terms of pulling away geographic, regional, political, and economic barriers are exemplified in Nike's outsourcing. The designs of its products are undertaken in the U.S. while the rest of the production process is done in sub-contracting manufacturers in India, China, Indonesia, and South Korea (Amey, et al. 2002). Bringing jobs and money to developing nations is viewed as a positive result of this globalisation trend, specifically for workers who work in a sub-contracting manufacturer. Despite all these, Nike appears to be the target of animosity associated with the globalisation process that allows for increased monetary, commodity, and information flows across the world (Amey, et al. 2002). The problems encountered involve alleged circumvention of U.S. law while placing the burden of responsibility upon the country of production wherein outsourcing activities are undertaken (Klein, 2001). Moreover, the company encountered a worldwide scrutiny concerning labor practices, particularly on the issue of low wages, which caused it to transfer its production to another country, made easier due to its outsourcing nature (ibid). The company does not subscribe to setting-up of outsourcing process in unionized factories (Amey, et al. 2002). Poor young women in Indonesia flock from their homes to the Nike factories for a wage 20 percent less than the set minimum wage for a single adult, placed at around $2.25 per day (Christensen, 2001). It means that although Nike provides jobs through outsourcing, factory workers find it hard to get by due to low wages. Moreover, reports show that the company took away an estimate of $800, 000 in wages from these workers during the same period that it raked in a net profit of $1.4 billion (ibid). The process of outsourcing has apparently assured Nike that the workers remain powerless, as it is able to earn more profits through it (Klein, 2001. More recently, the company introduced No Sweat tags campaigns in opposition to 'sweat shops,' in order to combat negative public perception and ensure continuous employment of the world's leading advertising agencies (ibid). It may be noticed that Nike's current problems directly involving low wages were only a continuation of its earlier trend involving labor practices. It is true that by outsourcing techniques, a company is able to share risks with an outsourcing firm, and the public perception against the company is somehow reduced by this sharing. This is undertaken by employing other strategies that unmark poor public perception. Through outsourcing, Nike's labor costs has comprised 5 percent of its total product costs while keeping its biggest portion of operating costs such as research and development, logistics, product design, and marketing (Yang, 2004). It shows that outsourcing its production to developing nations results in alleviating pressure to increase prices. Apparently, in this globalised era, outsourcing becomes a very basic and a usual business activity for huge firms who look for new resources while maintaining competitive advantage. In the Nike experience, the outsourcing strategy gave it an opportunity to delegate it production and non-core activities to an outsourced company which results in the creation of jobs. Complaints of low wages and other unfair labour practices are however on the record. UNIT 9: WORKING IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY Dundon, T., Gonzalez-Perez, M.A., and McDonough, T. (2007) 'Bitten by the Celtic Tiger: Immigrant Workers and Industrial Relations in the new 'globalised' Ireland, Economic and Industrial Democracy, 28: 501-522. Outline the experiences of non-Irish national workers employed in Ireland and discuss how far trade unions have facilitated the integration of these migrant workers into the labour market Discuss the problems of migration from the perspective of the sender country with reference to a particular economy (Moldavia, Zimbabwe, Poland or the Philippines for example). The nature of Irish activity alongside the composition of its workforce has undergone significant change in recent years. The increasing inflow of foreign nationals living and working in the country is considered one of the most noticeable aspects of this transformation (Labor Relations Commission 2005, p. 3). There is currently a ratio of one immigrant against ten Irish nationals, translating it to almost 400, 000 persons. The immigrants are basically from the new EU accession states which is the result of the Union's enlargement. In 2005 alone, gross immigration has risen by 70, 000 with a total of approximately 26,000 immigrants from the EU accession states (Labor Relations Commission 2005, p. 3). However, this expansion does not always account for a positive employment situation. Some employees find "the situation a difficult transition that results in unacceptable working environments" (ibid, p. 3). This is reflected in how vulnerably migrant workers are treated in Ireland, an unacceptable condition in which equity for treatment for all is advocated in legislations. However, we may view the current employment scenario in Ireland as not entirely negative. In order that a good working environment service and assistance are provided, several employer organisations, individual employers, trade unions, and voluntary organisations undertake considerable lengths that would allow them to meet this purpose. Access to the State dispute resolution agencies are sought by a small but steadily increasing number of migrant workers in the pursuit of either vindicating their employment rights or seeking redress for alleged unfair employment practices (Labor Relations Commission 2005). It is found out that this category of workers encounter some difficulties in the initial decision to pursue case, unfamiliarity with the English language, and the legal nuances of procedures. There matters are however not exclusive to non-Irish workers but can also pose the same level of difficulty among Irish employees and employers in relation to rights and obligations (ibid). It must be noted that in recent years, Ireland has undergone significant changes that pertain to workforce composition, making it a country of net immigration. Between the beginning of May and the end of October 2004, there were 30, 000 to 40, 000 people who migrated to Ireland from other EU member states caused by the enlargement of the European Union. Although non-EU citizens obtain no entitlement under the social welfare provisions until two years of being residents of the country, it is recognised that migrant workers theoretically have the same rights as indigenous workers (Labor Relations Commission 2005). Thus, all existing employment rights that apply t Irish citizens likewise apply to non-Irish migrant workers. It implies that all workers, be they Irish or not, are entitled to the laws that cover equality and discrimination. However, although this may be the case, a proportion of migrant workers do not benefit from these protection from their employments (ibid). There si evidence suggesting that some migrant workers work under different conditions from those of Irish citizens and do not make use of the available industrial relations apparatus of the State in resolving such grievances. Anecdotal evidence points out to horticulture, meat industry, and construction having the highest levels of exploitation of migrant workers in Ireland. It is posited that employment issues in construction and meat industry get mire public attention because of their likelihood of collective awareness made possible by the large number of people being employed (Labor Relations Commission 2005, p. 13). Another thing is that they are highly regulated. Trade union plays a great role in workers' employment in that they are able to expose alleged exploitative employment practices and any deviations from normal practice are likely to be challenged and resolved locally (ibid). The issues that migrant workers face are predominantly those concerning pay and conditions. The main issues are generally underpayment of wages, non-payment of overtime, and non-payment of holiday pay (Labor Relations Commission 2005). Unfair dismissal, unlawful dedications, bullying, and non-issuance of pay slips are some of the problems along the queue. The Philippine government views this labour export as a development policy in which the country has benefited economically through the remittances sent by overseas Filipino workers earned from employment abroad (Rodriguez 2005, p. 1). However, the country faces what is termed 'domestic insecurities' in that there is a threatening of the legitimacy of a major domestic development policy due to labour exportation. Several people contest the labor export in the context that out-migration weakens the Philippines' social and moral fabric as families were left without wives and mothers. The state is however ambivalent about this position since it continues to benefit from the economic outputs from labour export. Remittances account for the increase in the earnings of the government in that migration offers important economic benefits to a third world country like the Philippines. The lack of local employment and the corresponding availability of jobs abroad such as in Ireland, addresses the Philippines perennial unemployment and under-employment problems (Rodriguez 2005, p. 5). It is inferred that countries like the Philippines which depend highly on labour export, "must mobilize their citizens for labour migration and at the same time produce global demand for migrant labour" (ibid, p. 6). References Amey, M., Brazel, T., Chorley, C. and Stead, T. (2002). Nike: leading the corporate responsibility movement. Retrieved on December 14, 2008 from http://www.ssn.flinders.edu.au/global/glob1002/2002book/globalisation%20website/converted/whatsit.html Baldwin, D. (1993) neorealism and neoliberalism: the contemporary debate. Columbia University Press. Chang, H.J. (2002) 'Breaking the mould: an institutionalist political economy to the neoliberal theory of the market and the state, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 26: 539-559. Christensen, E. (2001) International outsourcing and Nike. Retrieved on December 18, 2008 from http://www.lclark.edu/soan221/96/nike.html Dunford, M. (2005) 'Old Europe, new Europe and the USA: comparative economic performance and market led models of development', European Urban and Regional Studies, 12, 2:149-176. Feige, E. 'How big is the irregular economy' Challenge. December. Friedman, T. (2005). The world is flat: a brief history of the twenty-first century. Farrar, Strauss, and Giroux. Greskovits, B. (2004) The social models of Eastern European market societies. Central European University, Budapest. Hetzel, R. (1994) "The free trade debate: The illusion of security versus growth." Federal; Reserve Bank of Richmond. Economic Quarterly. Vol. 80. Spring. Jaguaribe, A. (2005) The politics of global governance; issues and institutional parameters. International Seminar. Jovanovic, M. N. (2008) 'Does globalisation make sense' International Economics. Vol. 31, No. 1, p. 47-80. Klein, N. (2001). No logo. Harper Collins Publishers, London. Klein, N. (2002) fences and windows: dispatches from the front lines of the globalization debate. Picador Press. Kohler-Koch, Beate, 1997. "Organized Interests in European Integration: The Evolution of a New Type of Governance" In H. Wallace and A. Young, Alasdair (eds) Participation and policymaking in the European Union. Oxford University Press. Labor Relations Commission. (2005) Migrant workers and access to the statutory dispute resolution agencies. Labor Relations Commission. Lee, Marc, 2006. Taxes and outcomes Nordic vs. Anglo-American. The Progressive economics Forum. Accessed December 17, 2008 from [http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2006/12/06/taxes-and-outcomesnordic-vs-anglo-american/] Lenschow, Andrea, 2004. "Europeanisation of Public Policy," in J. Richardson (ed), European Union. Routledge. Monbiot, G. (2003) The age of consent: a manifesto for a new world order. Flamingo Press. Nayyar, D. (1998) Globalisation: the past in our present. Third World Network. Nayyar, D. (2006) 'Globalisation, history and development: a tale of two centuries', Cambridge Journal of Economics, 30: 137-159. Phelps, E. economic prosperity and the dynamism of economic institutions. Columbia University. Quinn, J. and Hillmer, F. (1995). Strategic outsourcing. The McKinsey Quarterly, No. 1. Rodriguez, R. (2005) Domestic insecurities: female migration from the Philippines: development and national subject-status. The Center for Comparative Immigration Studies. University of California, San Diego. Yang, S. (2004) Nike on global economics. Global Business Leaders. 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