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Low Voting Problem in Present Canadian Elections - Coursework Example

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The paper "Low Voting Problem in Present Canadian Elections" focuses on the critical analysis and exploration of the problem of why do fewer people vote today in Canadian elections than in the past, paying attention to the main ways to remedy the situation…
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Low Voting Problem in Present Canadian Elections
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Section/# A Discussion and Analysis of Why Fewer People Currently Vote in Canadian Elections as Compared to the Past Ultimately, voter participation in voter turnout is an issue that all democracies that do not exhibit compulsory voting are concerned with. However, rather than taking the case of all democracies to task within this particular analysis, the author will instead consider the case of Canada; specifically focused upon why fewer people vote currently as compared to the past. Likewise, the tangential question that will be raised is whether or not this represents a problem and if so what can be done to remedy the situation as it currently is represented. Accordingly, from such a unit of analysis it is the hope of this particular author that the issue of voter turnout and participation within Canada will be more effectively understood; as well as its determinant factors. By promoting increased participation and providing potential solutions to remedy the situation, definitive and actionable changes in terms of Canadian democracy can be employed as a means of promoting the fairness and equity of the entire system and increasing the efficiency by which it operates. One of the first and most relevant issues in terms of why fewer people currently vote within Canadian elections has to do with the demographic factor of age. Over the past several decades, the population of Canada has experienced a level of near exponential growth. This is partially the result of an increase in the overall number of natural born Canadians and partially the result of liberalized immigration policies that encourage an influx of skilled labor from a variety of different countries around the globe. Whereas these factors might not at first appear to impact upon overall rates of voter participation and engagement, a litany of different studies has indicated that rates of voter participation can be directly correlated to whether or not an individual can be considered in a younger or in an older demographic. Analysis of the past election cycle indicates that individuals within the age group from 18 to 30 were represented between 20 and 30 points lower in terms of overall voter turnout as compared to voters over the age of 30. Part of the explanation for this particular dynamic will be discussed in terms of the way in which time constraints and social norms have reduce the overall emphasis in importance on voting; to be discussed at length within a further section of the analysis. However, for purposes of demographic understanding, is necessary to accept the fact that a distinct differential exists in terms of overall voter turnout when one analyzes current society based upon each differentials.1 As the social fabric of Canada is increasingly younger and composed of more and more individuals under the age of 30, at least as compared to several years ago, this is a change that is not likely to be undone anytime in the near future. As the issue of demographics has been raised and partially explained within the preceding section, it should also be understood that this particular issue is one that can at least partially be addressed. In essence, many individuals within a younger demographic, specifically the demographic between 18 to 30 years of age, feel as if the policies, concerns, and issues that government is most directly interested in addressing are of no consequence or are of little interest in their own lives. Partially, this particular flawed understanding is the result of the fact that individuals within this particular demographic do not fully comprehend the long-lasting and far-reaching impacts of the policies and approaches that may be under discussion at any one time. Ultimately, an individual at or around the age of 25 a place little interest in issues pertaining to the Canadian health system, retirement pensions, or other issues that will impact upon them at some far removed time in the future.2 Instead of promoting an understanding that this should merely be accepted and young people will inherently resist a level of interest in politics, it must be promoted that government and elected officials should make an effort to engage these voters and to make government and its functions relevant to them. Naturally, this is a high-minded and lofty goal that can be potentially difficult to accomplish; especially in light of the fact that different political parties and their nuanced approaches to such issues might not necessarily lend themselves readily to being engaged by younger voters that are otherwise disinterested. Another relevant factor in terms of the decline in voter participation within Canada over the past several years has to do with the composition of society and the racial breakdown that currently exists. In light of the information that has previously been represented, in terms of the overall levels of immigration that Canada has sponsored and encouraged, the racial dynamics of the Canadian system have shifted significantly over the past few decades. Whereas this might not appear as if it is an important factor to consider, it is of extraordinary importance due to the fact that individuals that are of an Asian or Latino background are statistically much less likely to vote as compared to their counterparts within society. Sociologists and psychologists continue to argue over whether or not this particular disparity is the direct result of race or culture. However, for purposes of this particular essay, such an understanding or definition will be of little importance. Instead, the reader should focus upon the fact that the fastest-growing minority groups within Canada over the past decades have necessarily been Latino and Asian. As a direct result of the fact that both of these groups currently represent overall voter turnout from 20 to 30% as compared to nearly 60% for their white counterparts, it is easy to see why these quickly growing minorities are underrepresented at the polls, comprising a higher percentage of Canadian population, and yet a lower overall participation in the voter process. As a means of addressing the racial and demographic disparity that has been described above, it should be understood that Canadian government and stakeholders within society have a responsibility to reinforce the need for voter participation and engagement regardless of the cultural background, identity, or race of the new participants and Canadian society. In essence, the strength of Canadian society rests upon the belief that voter participation and ongoing engagement with the Democratic process by all members of the eligible society is a fundamental aspect of how Canadian democracy operates. Within this definition, specific funding can and should be allocated two groups that operate within minority communities as a means of reflecting the need and importance for diversity within governance and expressing a degree of ownership that the citizens have in terms of the way in which their government functions and makes decisions. Although there are certainly efforts in place that attempt to accomplish these very goals, the degree and extent to which they are successful is obviously in question as a direct result of the fact that voter participation within the groups produce a specified continues to languish in between 20 and 30%. Another relevant factor in terms of overall decreased the voter past several years has to do with the issue of time constraints. A number of different studies have pointed to the fact that individuals within the current era have an overall lower percentage of free time as compared to individuals in previous years. Whereas there are certainly conflicting studies that indicate that the overall amount of spare time that exists within the life of an individual within the modern era as compared to several years ago that is largely the same, it is to attributable to increase productivity overall level of employment that is currently exhibited as compared to several decades past. Essentially, the rate of participation of women within the workforce creates a situation which much larger percentage of the Canadian population is currently employed as compared to several decades past.3 All of this contributes to a further situation which the overall amount spare time or the availability of individuals to participate in elections and/4 to vote is constrained by the fact that each voting age individual is more likely to be employed as compared to years past. There are statutes and limitations on the extent to which an employer can leverage and employees time during an election cycle or correction day, the fact of the matter is that tens of thousands if not hundreds of thousands of jobs around the nation do not apply to the standards and has a negative impact upon the overall rate of voter participation that might otherwise be exhibited. In terms of what can ultimately be done by the government as a means of maximizing motor which is a patient in terms of the limitations that had been described in the preceding section, it must be understood that the law must be more effectively enforced to ensure that employers allow their employees adequate time to cast their ballots and to participate in the process. Whereas it is unlawful for an employer to actively encourage voter participation and to discuss such topics at the workplace, the government could effectively provide public awareness campaigns encourage voter participation in light of the fact that adequate time is being given for this participation to take place and the expectation is that specifically minded individual will utilize this opportunity and waited best maximizes utility of the state, their own time, and the system as a whole. A further issue that cannot be ignored has to do with the differential in terms of the growth of poverty over the past few years. As compared to the situation that was exhibited within the 1970’s within Canada, poverty is still quite low; however, if one were to compare the rate of poverty currently as it relates to the rate of poverty in the early 2000s, it is clear and apparent that the increase in poverty has caused a general increase in voter disenfranchisement. Whereas this could potentially be included in terms of the argument on voter apathy, it has been included separately within this discussion as it ultimately impacts specifically upon one individual socio-economic group. Although the government should of course focus on means by which poverty can be reduced, there should also be an ancillary focus on the way in which poverty stricken people should not turn away from their civic duties; as these civic duties are integrally tied to the overall representation that their interests are able to garner within government. Programs to this affect already exist; however, the overall impact that they have created is exhibited in the sense that voter turnout amongst individuals which can be described as living in “poverty” is still between 20-25%.4 This is of course abysmal as compared to the turn out rates of 60-70% amongst individuals that are middle class or well off. Another relevant reason that bears discussion has to do with what is known as voter apathy. Voter apathy and voter fatigue are oftentimes used synonymously. Essentially, both of these are brought about by the understanding of the electorate that their vote is of little consequence and that the direction of the nation or their individual region will not change based upon the way in which they vote. Whereas there are many factors that contribute to voter apathy, one of the ones that will be discussed within this particular analysis has to do with the progression area singularity between parties that has been exhibited over the past several decades within Canadian politics. As a counterpoint example, one could consider the fact that the elections and individual stances of the parties several decades ago were quite disparate from the ones that are reflected now. Ultimately, each of the parties has moved towards the middle as a means of garnering the most votes and is avoiding conflict by seeking to reduce differentials. This necessarily decreases the overall level of voter participation as the individual voter with society comes as if they were to vote for a different party or a different point of view, the overall degree and extent to which things would change would be limited. As a means of effectively changing this particular dynamic necessary to encourage action groups to effectively that they challenge. Interestingly, voter participation is one of the best ways in which this can be accomplished. For instance, in the eventuality that one particular party or a group of parties is speaking to the media and is not effectively capturing the interest in figure of election cycle, the concerned voter can redirect their vote towards a party that is championing a moral high ground floor is refusing to compromise on the views that they hold.5 By punishing entrenched political parties for their inability to differentiate themselves, the same parties will feel beholden to address this issue in the next election cycle and the situation that has been previously described will at least be partially broken. The information that has been defined and described the bus far, it is clear and apparent that a litany of different factors in terms of voter participation is currently being exhibited within the nation of Canada. In order for these issues to more effectively be addressed, several distinct changes have to be made. The first change that has to be affected is that individuals within the poorer classes, individuals within minority racial groups, and individuals of a younger demographic must all realized that their votes are just as important as anyone else and that they have a stake and a share in what takes place within Canadian politics. Beyond this, voter apathy and the overall degree and extent to which an individual feels as if the Canadian system is not addressing the unique needs can be effected only the range and extent to which the right to vote is exercised and extent and entrenched political parties are punished for their level of acquiescence to the status quo. Further, the issue of time constraints can be dealt with in both a legislative and individual manner; providing effective legal controls that demand that employers allow sufficient time for voting and at the same time encouraging public service announcements that reinforce the need for civic participation in elections. Politicians and parties that wish to avail themselves of untapped votes could obviously make use of such a tactic. Bibliography Adsett, Margaret. 2003. "Change in political era and demographic weight as explanations of youth disenfranchisement in federal elections in Canada, 1965-2000." Journal Of Youth Studies 6, no. 3: 247. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed November 20, 2014). Coyne, Andrew. 2011. "Time for a new party." Macleans 124, no. 9: 20-22. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed November 20, 2014). Harell, Allison. 2009. "Equal Participation but Separate Paths?: Womens Social Capital and Turnout." Journal Of Women, Politics & Policy 30, no. 1: 1-22. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed November 20, 2014). Nakhaie, M. Reza. 2006. "Electoral Participation in Municipal, Provincial and Federal Elections in Canada." Canadian Journal Of Political Science 39, no. 2: 363-390. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed November 20, 2014). Siaroff, Alan, and Jared J. Wesley. 2011. "Explaining Comparative Voter Turnout in the Canadian Provinces since 1965: The Importance of Context." Conference Papers -- American Political Science Association 1-18. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed November 20, 2014). Read More
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