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Contemporary American History: Empire, Militarism and Imperialism - Essay Example

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This essay "Contemporary American History: Empire, Militarism and Imperialism" presents books that help to illustrate the difference between the picture that exists in American minds with regard to their country’s political alignment and the actual picture of the political preferences of America…
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Contemporary American History: Empire, Militarism and Imperialism
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Critical Interpretation of Contemporary American History: Empire, Militarism and Imperialism. The United s of America as seen through the eyes of its founders, the American revolutionaries, was a country that was purely democratic; that encouraged equality, liberty and fraternity for all the world nations as opposed to just itself; that maintained a policy of isolationism with regard to the political affairs of other nations and the influence of other nations on American politics. After the Spanish American War of 1898, Americans imbibed feelings of Social Darwinism and Protestant triumphalism, which led them to believe that their country had won the war because God was on their side seeing as they were citizens of a morally and economically superior nation. These superior feelings ensured that when the American military invaded the Philippines and other Pacific territories, Americans wouldn’t feel as remorseful as they felt when Hawaii was annexed. In later years, the American Government employed more subtle ways to gain primary access into many lucrative commercial deals on the world market, as they had once taken over Pacific terrain using direct imperialism. These subtle political pressures, diplomatic double dealings and veiled threats of American artillery were used on foreign countries to gain access to their markets and were termed collectively: American Imperialism or Informal Colonialism. After the 1898 annexations, America began to interfere in other countries political affairs, develop a most superior military and engage in economic overthrows, resulting in the formation of an informal empire that used informal colonialism and informal methods of warfare to establish its superiority. Kinzer and Johnson have both described the changes that took place in American politics when Roosevelt added a Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, allowing America to control international relations with the Pacific territories. During the early 1900’s there was rapid industrialization in America and a variety of products were available as merchandise. But first, an appropriate market would have to be found and could be found via the Pacific territories and later, other newly formed democratic nations. When the American military ordered the Cuban army to disband and forced them to accept the establishment of a U.S. military base on Cuban soil, it was it was flexing its armed claws for economic advantage. America could have struck a deal with Spain in 1898 and given Cuba its independence. But America chose to fight the war and drive Spain out, so that they could extract some advantage for itself from Cuba. In Kinzer’s words: “It was more conflict fought to resolve a single question: Who would control Cuba? Conditions in Cuba led to the war, Cuba was the battleground, and Cuba was the prize"[Kinzer, 46]. Strategic deals like these with Cuba and the Philippines, which garnered vast economic opportunities for America, were the reasons for the quick change in public opinion with regard to annexation. Americans also believed the then protestant philosophy that successfulness was next to godliness. Albert Beveridge, an erstwhile senator of Indiana summed up imperial initiation in America with this statement: “American factories are making more than the American people can use; American soil is producing more than they can consume. Fate has written out policy for us. The trade of the world must and shall be ours” [Kinzer, 34]. America’s commercial and political influence became a global force that was reinforced after its victory in the Cold War. Johnson elucidated that even if America had not been imperially inclined before, after the Cold War it certainly became an imperial nation as it was unwilling to give up the political hegemony it had acquired after the collapse of its rival polar power, the Soviet Union. As to public opinion in America after the Cold War, Johnson stated: “Many Americans simply concluded that they had ‘won’ the Cold War and so deserved the imperial fruits of victory. A number of ideologists began to argue that the United States was in fact a ‘good empire’ and should act accordingly in a world with only one dominant power” [Johnson, 3]. This thought process was extremely similar to concepts like England’s ‘White Man’s Burden’ and Italy’s “All Roads lead to Rome” and still exists among many Americans today. In article 1, section 9, clause 7 of the U.S Constitution is the statement: “ No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time” [ Johnson, 12]. Johnson suggested the President adhere to this clause instead of using the C.I.A as his personal army, using it for espionage and creating an entire black budget for its communications and weapons intelligence that the Congress cannot peruse or object too. President Truman spent 4 times the usual defense budget during the Cold War. The White House has become used to arranging artful little accidents, probably using the CIA, to gain international advantage, increase the defense budget or to punish a rival nation. Johnson described in detail one such instance in which A 6,500 ton, nuclear powered American submarine, the USS Greenville made an emergency surfacing and crashed into a Japanese ship, killing nine young Japanese men. The Captain of the crew claimed later at a trial that he had been instructed to take certain rich civilians with U.S. Naval connections onto the submarine, and that their presence in the control room at the time of the crash caused him to loose his concentration and surface too early. To prevent him from repeating the story, the Navy paid let him retire with full pension benefits. The press were allowed to film the Iraq War, but were required to show the commander –in-chief of the U.S military their footage before it was broadcast on American television. With regard to this Johnson claimed: “It [the Military] felt more confident that nothing would be on display it did not want reported and that there would be recruitment advantages to bringing one of America’s new, antiseptic wars into the nations living rooms” [Johnson, 116]. Thus, even the freedom of the press, one of the most sacred rights of a democracy was compromised for the sake of the Army. Johnson and Kinzer have both stressed on imperialism and militarism, and on the increasing budget and power that has been entrusted to the military and the jurisdictions that they have been given post the September 11th attacks which impinge on domestic laws and policies. The development of the American Empire has also led to it becoming a symbol of corruption for religious fundamentalists and has made it vulnerable to terrorist attacks. Johnson states that unless there is a complete revolution aimed at restoring democracy and dissolving the C.I.A and overt military influence, the American Empire will come to an end as has every imperial empire before it. In my opinion, both books help to illustrate the difference between the picture that exists in American minds with regard to their country’s political alignment and the actual picture of the political preferences of America. Kinzer and Johnson’s underlying revelation is that the United Sates has been using the cover of it being a democratic nation to further its imperial ambitions and economic advantages. Both authors are calling to the Americans to witness the changes that have taken place since 1898 in America and to realize that if something is not done soon, the American empire will be attacked and destroyed. Both books stress the need for returning to pure democratic principles to subvert the onset of imperial decline in America. The American people must be aware of growing militarism in their country and the possibility of a military dictatorship in America. Both Kinzer and Johnson believe that the people must overthrow imperialism in America the way the American Government has been overthrowing Pacific Governments. For democracy to be strengthened in America, the American people must recognize that current events in America closely resemble contemporary events in Europe. If America is to remain a wealthy nation and possibly, a superpower, its must refuse to relinquish their hold on democracy and must fight for it. Works Cited: 1. Kinzer, Stephen. Overthrow: America’s Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. U.S.A: Macmillian Inc, 2006. 2. Johnson, Chalmers. The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic. U. S.A: Macmillian Inc, 2004. Read More

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