Consolidating Democracy in a Divided Nation - Research Paper Example

 The Struggle for Political Rights and Indigenous Culture Recognition in Mexico: Consolidating Democracy in a Divided Nation Abstract Mexico maintains a wide variety of differing ethnic, cultural, and political differences which greatly hinder the process of democratic consolidation in the country. The current Federal Republic government structure tends to illustrate that centralized authority is limited by the sovereignty rights of the Mexican people and the self-governing aspects of independent regions. However, the federal republic structure is riddled with various corruptions, poor representation of the indigenous peoples, and various elites which maintain considerable influence regarding the pace by which Mexico moves toward democracy and the ultimate democratic consolidation needed to unify the country as a singular, cohesive democratic nation. This research paper describes the historical struggles for political and indigenous rights in Mexico while further identifying the challenges to achieving democratic consolidation in an extremely divided nation. It further serves to answer the question as to how lack of indigenous rights and recognition impact the process of democratic consolidation in Mexico. CONTENTS ABSTRACT 1.0 INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………. 4 2.0 UNDERSTANDING DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION…………… 5 2.1 INCLUDING THE RIGHTS OF ALL CITIZENS……………………… 8 2.2 THE STRUGGLES AND TRIUMPHS FOR INDIGENOUS RIGHTS RECOGNITION………………………………………….. 9 3.0 TOWARD A CONSOLIDATED MEXICAN DEMOCRACY………… 11 4.0 TOWARD A METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK FOR DEMOCRACTIC CONSOLIDATION…………………………….. 12 5.0 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………. 16 REFERENCES The Struggle for Political Rights and Indigenous Culture Recognition in Mexico: Consolidating Democracy in a Divided Nation 1.0 Introduction Though Mexico is currently undergoing significant internal change, in relation to its position as a globalized economy and in recognizing the rights of its citizens, significant limitations currently plague the process of democratization. Indigenous citizens make up a significant percentage of the total population in Mexico, however these groups continue to struggle with the achievement of a recognized social status and inclusion into a governmental system which identifies the rights of indigenous cultures. Under the existing Federal Republic structure, powers of the centralized government are limited whereby independent regions of the country maintain some degree of self-government and regulation; total sovereignty, in theory, rests with the voters who are allowed to choose their own leadership (CIA, 2007). With the proposed definition of a federal republic, it would appear that many elements which exist in modern democracies should be thriving in Mexico. However, governmental and regional corruption, elitist objectives, and various ethnic and cultural beliefs provide significant detriment to achieving the ultimate goal of democracy and democratic consolidation in the country (Diamond, 1992; Gilbreth & Otero, 2001). Despite the fact that under federal republic systems of government citizens are in control of the election process, the indigenous cultures are far from achieving inclusion into the political system. Their unique cultural beliefs and social identity have been obscured within the progression from Federal Republic to democracy, which continues to allow citizenry division to exist and slow the process of democratic consolidation. Several indigenous groups have appealed to government, in the form of formal protests or social uprising, however until the government fully adopts the principles of contemporary democracy and works to unify all of its diverse peoples, Mexico will remain a divided nation (Klitgaard, 1991). This project will identify the struggles currently facing indigenous citizens in attaining their rights to equal representation within the existing government while further spotlighting steps currently being undertaken to transform Mexico from a federal republic to a thriving democracy. The study also identifies how lack of lack of indigenous rights and recognition affects the process of democratic consolidation in Mexico. This study further proposes that a series of activities and conditions which should exist in assisting with the consolidation of democracy in the country in order to bring Mexico further into the forefront of modernization and internal social unity. 2.0 Understanding Democractic Consolidation The true definition of modern democracy implies that supreme authority rests in the hands of the citizens, with a clear and distinct separation of centralized government where citizen power is exercised through a variety of representatives which act in the best interest of the demands of the nation’s people (CIA, 2007). In highly divided nations, such as Mexico, where different ethnic and cultural beliefs create an inability to promote democracy as a viable governmental system, understanding the steps necessary to consolidate democracy is paramount. Democratic consolidation occurs when the entire government (included all leaders and representatives) are elected in a free and fair electoral contest in which existing governmental leaders accept the results of the election and step down from authority without resistance (Beetham, 1994). In addition, as part of the criteria for democratic consolidation regional economies must be included to create a singular national economy and the rights of all citizens, regardless of ethnicity or cultural beliefs, must maintain an inclusive role in the regulation of government and its processes (Montero, 1998). Another researcher further offers that democratic consolidation can only exist when leaders in politics avoid the use of “non-democratic, illegal, or unconstitutional means to achieve their respective ends” (Montero, 1998: 119). In essence, the author seems to point out that political actors must adhere closely to the principles which guide democratic philosophy and avoid using covert or otherwise self-serving agenda as a means to undermine the stability of democratic government so as to serve the needs of influential elitists or secure their own sovereignty and authority by manipulating legal terminology to their own advantage. This type of political maneuvering would seem to represent the foundation of political corruption (Usaid.gov, 2006). Schedler (2002) supports this notion by highlighting that many authoritarian leaders will initally agree to liberalize based on social or political pressure, but later agreeing to hold democratic elections under the premise of maintaining military autonomy or securing property rights. This suggests, as is further supported by Diamond (1997), that political leadership must be self-regulating and willing to adapt to a democratic system without establishing methods designed to improve their own position of authority. A major, existing hindrance to consolidating democracy in Mexico revolves specifically around the differing ethnic representation in the country. Currently, 60 percent of the country is represented by Mestizo groups (Amerindian-Spanish), 30 percent Amerindian (indigenous group), and nine percent white; with other ethnic groups representing the limited one percent of total population (CIA). Each of these cultural units maintains their own unique beliefs and values, in relation to their perspectives on the appropriateness of government in the daily lives of citizens to various stereotypes regarding other ethnic groups in the country (Henslin). In addition, with Mexico’s recent inclusion as a member of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the country has begun the slow process of transforming an historically-poverty-stricken nation into a national economy built on modernization and globalization and to reduce poverty (White, 2007). However, many of Mexico’s indigenous people still live in poverty, unable to gain access to higher education or career development programs, hence the indigenous population is still grossly misunderstood and under-represented in matters pertaining to politics and government. Mexican indigenous groups have yet to receive bilingual education to assist in this process of education (Mendoza, 2002: 8). This would tend to suggest that until the government recognizes the importance of securing the needs of indigenous groups, full democratic consolidation cannot be achieved. Though the implementation of NAFTA has opened many economic opportunities for Mexico, in relation to global relationships and commercial trade, indigenous groups have yet to reap the benefits of a more progressive and influential Mexico. Weingast (1997) points out that in massively-divided nations such as Mexico, democracy maintains little opportunity to be achieved fully. Elite groups in the country still maintain significant influence over the constructs of governmental policy creation in the country, which often serves to further isolate indigenous groups, making their needs either completely irrelevant or secondary to the needs and objectives of wealthier citizens. Though it is relatively common knowledge that such class divisions exist in countries with successful democracies, such as the United States, the division between elitist groups and the indigenous poor in Mexico is currently far too substantial to achieve the goal of democracy in the immediate future. Supporting this notion is Klitgaard (1991) who points out that corruption is a common instance in countries which were built on poverty, which is abundantly-similar to the historical foundation of the modern Mexican system of government. For instance, many Mexican citizens cite police bribery as a major hindrance to achieving a fair and democratic government, as policing entities often overlook legal infractions in favor of the receipt of a monetary bribe (Domingo, 1999). This would tend to suggest that Mexico has not yet been able to weed out the proverbial seeds of corruption even at its lowest levels of governmental regulation, as bribery is a common occurrence which is likely due to the fact that Mexico has long-sustained a system without an appropriate system of checks and balances. It is quite important to illustrate the problems to consolidating democracy in Mexico, as promoting positive change toward a democratic system will involve changing social attitudes, social behaviors, and removing individuals from authoritarian positions who are not willing to adapt to the rule of law which democratic systems provide. Hence, it would appear that somewhat radical steps are required on behalf of Mexican leadership and citizenry before democracy can be instituted and actively adhered to by all facets of society. 2.1 Including the Rights of All Citizens One sociological professional identifies a concept known as voter apathy defined as “indifference or inaction on behalf of individuals or groups with respect to the political process” (Henslin, 2003: 452). The current Mexican federal republic structure, to its credit, does allow its citizens to actively participate in the electoral process. However, indigenous groups in the country have long-since been excluded from achieving a social and culture identity (Henslin), which might provide these groups with their own voter apathy; feeling as though their needs have been sold-out in exchange for elitist protection or the rights of already-identified and recognized citizens. With the notion in mind that voter apathy involves disinterest in the election process, establishing a democratic system in which voters actively explore their candidate options and make educated decisions is likely a missing element in the electoral systems which currently exist in Mexico. This would represent a somewhat ineffectual government where indigenous citizens are not significant contributors to a balanced perception of government. Almond & Verba (1963) argued that stable democracies can only exist when beliefs and values are shared by the majority of all citizens, a term defined as civic culture. The authors state, “If there is no consensus within society, there can be little potentiality for the peaceful resolution of political differences that is associated with the democratic process” (Weingast, 1997: 253). This professional acknowledgement tends to illustrate that politically-motivated social uprisings, perhaps in the form of various coups or violent protest, becomes the norm for promoting change when citizens cannot consolidate their beliefs to create a unified culture. This has been the history of the Mexican people for centuries, and even recently in the 20th Century. 2.2 The Struggles and Triumphs for Indigenous Rights Recognition The Zapatista uprising occurred in 1994 in direct opposition to Mexico’s inauguration into NAFTA and as violent protest to the government’s vision of the future of Mexico. Zapatistas were largely Mayan peasants, representing a largely-indigenous group, who felt compelled to revert to violent uprising against the government in order to have their needs recognized and to undermine government leadership (Gilbreth & Otero, 2001). The fact that Zapatista radicals turned toward hostile actions to have their voices heard tends to illustrate the strong division between civic culture and the beliefs of indigenous people in Mexico. However, the 1994 uprising made a significant impact on other groups within civil society (and abroad) as Mexican citizens began establishing human rights protests, offering supplies to Zapatista radicals, and participating in Zapatista support groups so as to sway governmental leadership to recognize Zapatistas as an important element of the Mexican governmental systems (Gilbreth & Otero). Though for the sake of this research, it is not crucial to identify all of the specific uprising activities which occurred during the 1994 protest, as the outcome of these activities is still, in many respects, yet undetermined as far as respecting and incorporating Zapatista beliefs into the governmental systems of Mexico. However, gathering the attention of civic culture (the majority) was not successful until a handful of indigenous groups decided to abandon peaceful protest in favor of violent and hostile action. This would tend to categorize the nature of the modern Mexico, in which it becomes necessary to aggressively challenge governmental leadership so as to gain some element of a voice in political or social affairs. As it was previously identified that many professionals believe that democratic consolidation is not possible until total civic unity is achieved, movements such as the Zapatista uprising clearly indicates that there exists a tremendous divide between governmental perspectives and those of the general population. A true democracy represents a completely unified national culture, which does not currently exist in modern Mexico. However, it does appear that the citizenry is becoming more educated in relation to promoting human rights, despite apparent governmental resistance to such beliefs. Other Latin American countries have experienced similar indigenous uprisings. In 1999 Venezuelan Indians, adorned in their traditional, indigenous costumes and paint, stormed the Senate to protest how their indigenous culture was labeled and identified in governmental policy (Van Cott, 2003). After four days of heated arguments and negotiations with the bitter Indian culture, various terminologies in legal representation were changed to provide a national identity for the indigenous Indian population. In approval of their protest efforts and governmental flexibility, the protestors sang the Venezuelan national hymn to show their support for a unified nation (Van Cott). This again tends to support the notion that physical protest is required in Latin American countries in order to promote governmental or social change when faced with a society that has maintained long-standing stereotypes and prejudices against indigenous groups. Somewhat different than the Zapatista uprising in Mexico, violence and bloodshed were not outcomes of the unrest (Van Cott, 2003). This may tend to illustrate that there are peaceful solutions available for changing the social consciousness related to indigenous rights and gathering the support of leaders and general civic society alike. 3.0 Toward a Consolidated Mexican Democracy It is relatively clear that in order to fully unify social expectations regarding political and social diversification, certain challenges exist to the process of democratic consolidation. Diamond (1997) offers the first relevant challenge as strengthening of the state. Mexico currently consists of 31 different states (Clearly, 2007), each categorized by unique economic conditions. From a theoretical perspective, Diamond suggests that each state must maintain different technical talent and training programs so as to improve education in the individual state and to aid in building a national economic infrastructure. Diamond’s second condition includes decentralization of government, including increased autonomy from the state level. This would theoretically require states, including individual municipalities, to give people and local governments more control in terms of spending to ensure public safety, sanitation and human services (Diamond). This condition would lessen the influence of a centralized government in terms of securing state livelihood and add more autonomy to the local or regional populations. A final relevant condition involves interest representation, including representing the needs of civic society not just in the form of competent government leadership, but in the establishment of associations which identify the needs of consumers, professionals, businesses, farmers, or any other group/entity in need of adequate representation (Diamond). This would tend to suggest that the implementation of social services groups (at the state level) or cooperations are key to ensuring that all members of a nation are fully-represented in a democratic-inspired system of governing. Elitism appears to run substantially high in Mexico, which may play a foundational role in why social service organizations are in short supply, as the needs of elite groups tend to outweigh the needs of general society in the country. Though the author touches on several other conditions, it was important to highlight the aforementioned selected conditions as currently few of these exist in the contemporary Mexican system. This may serve to define many of the reasons why a fully democratic society has yet to be established in this country. 4.0 Toward a Methodological Framework for Democratic Consolidation Table 1 below illustrates a series of indigenous movements in Latin America, which highlights the opportunities, incentives, capacity, and outcomes of the struggle for indigenous rights in this region. The table illustrates indigenous rights struggles in Mexico, highlighting the regional capabilities to include church networks and peasant unions leading to large-scale regional movements for indigenous rights protection and identification. It is further important to illustrate that the table strictly identifies no incentive for localized autonomy for indigenous groups as a pre-existing condition in Mexico, which supports the notion that centralized authority continues to exist in the country, thus a missing element in the theoretical conditions which must exist in order to fully consolidate democracy. [Source: Yashar, D. (1998)]. It is highly important to illustrate several different regional networks, including the church, which plays a significant role in the beliefs and values systems of the indigenous population in Mexico. Diamond (1997) identified the necessity for adequate representation as a primary condition for democratic consolidation, including associations which can best influence positive outcomes for struggling indigenous groups. Yashar (1998) stresses the importance of churches in constructing rural networks between regions in which the indigenous poor struggle for rights and inclusion. The author highlights that church leadership encourage liberation and activism, which acts as an association representing the needs of the indigenous group. As a proposed condition which must exist in order to promote complete democratic consolidation, it would appear that the modern church must play an active role in politics so as to promote representation for the indigenous poor and engage this group to become participants in rights activism. Religion and church devotion play a significant role in assisting toward developing the self-identity of indigenous groups, hence as an adequate support network the church would appear to be a likely representational network toward creating a consolidated Mexican democracy and ensuring the rights of indigenous populations. Diamond (1992) indicates that many democratic associations are currently missing from the current governmental structure which are autonomous from the state, however the church has always maintained a separate identity, potentially making the church an ideal forum through which to ensure adequate indigenous representation without the interference of centralized government. Having identified a series of conditions for complete democratic consolidation as well as opportunities within Mexico which currently exist, it is possible to provide a methodological framework to assist in promoting democracy and ensuring the rights of the indigenous populations. Figure 1 illustrates a proposed flowchart of events, activities, and representative associations for Mexican democratic consolidation, illustrating the inter-connected elements that each system or entity can provide. The proposed framework for consolidating democracy in Mexico illustrates the objectives, as proposed by the literature, for the strengthening of the state, the decentralization of government, and the creation of adequate indigenous representation. A series of actions are proposed on behalf of local leadership and citizenry, including the creation of various skills training programs, the demand for local autonomy, and social/religious associations to best represent the needs of a diverse community of individuals. Proposed outcomes of the framework include improved citizen competence both in knowledge and jobs skills, increased local revenue streams for social service improvements and infrastructure development, less reliance on central government, and a civic culture built on involvement and the acceptance of diversity. It is proposed that such initiatives would create a more dynamic Mexico, equipped to embrace the philosophy of modern democracy. It is clear in reviewing the proposed framework of activities and objectives that such measures require the active participation of not only governments, but existing associations and civilian populations. 5.0 Conclusion The research evidence has clearly indicated that other, more radical steps can achieve the goal of governmental recognition of indigenous rights, such as in the form of protest or violent hostilities. However, with the notion in mind that democracy is founded on a shared set of values and beliefs held by the entire civic population, such steps would tend to negate the philosophy of democracy. Consolidating democracy relies on strengthening networks and changing social perspectives and behaviors pertaining to the role of government in everyday life and in embracing and accepting different cultural values. The proposed methodological framework is a more realistic and tangible series of objectives and initiatives, with the focus always maintaining the inclusion of indigenous groups (or other less-fortunate groups) in all aspects of social and governmental functions. In modern democratic nations, violent protest resulting in bloodshed or forced military action only serves to divide nations rather than unify them. The research clearly indicates that indigenous groups’ lack of recognition and failure to receive adequate rights creates substantial difficulty in the process of consolidating democracy in Mexico. Because certain conditions must exist, including a unified culture, lack of social identity and recognition at the level of the centralized government prevents the development of a national, civic identity. In addition, the research indicated that indigenous groups are often less-affluent in areas of education and training, which are elements provided to those with higher financial means or those who have already been included in governmental policy with their own political identity. As such, lack of recognition of the indigenous identity creates a divide between the establishment of a singular civic culture whereby the entire nation remains focused toward the same goal of total civil educational proficiency and democracy. Since the literature identified that civic national identities are required for consolidation, this research study has determined that democratic consolidation is greatly slowed by lack of indigenous group recognition and failure to provide them with a political identity. Hence, the best conclusion is that democratic consolidation cannot be achieved until they are recognised as all-inclusive as part of the national civic identity and are provided the tools necessary to become competent contributors to securing the longevity of the country as a secure and stable nation. Mexico is currently a substantially-divided country, especially in terms of cultural and ethnic values. However, countries such as the United States and Venezuela have shifted their focus toward diversity as a primary element to creating a stable national identity, which appears to be the primary ingredient missing from the proverbial mix of Mexican values. Diversity involves not only recognizing that differing beliefs should be respected, but somewhat incorporating these values into civic lifestyle and building sociological connections. The division which exists currently between elitist groups and those who struggle with poverty need to be removed, however in order to avoid elite protectionism, the indigenous population must work towards strengthening their social identity (in terms of governmental policy and regional autonomy) before such class separations can be established. Unifying less-fortunate populations will take these divided groups and offer them a more tangible cohesion, making their own group needs paramount over the needs of elite groups. It has often been said that true strength comes in numbers, hence rather than focusing on the division which currently exists between the less-fortunate in Mexico, emphasis should be placed on first unifying the poor or indigenous poor to create a singular social consciousness with the ability to promote positive change at all levels of Mexican government. Only then can initiatives be established which create better commercial and industrial opportunities at the state or municipal level and improve educational capabilities. Hence, creating the internal desire to become more socially sensitive and advancing knowledge would appear to be the primary focus of consolidating democracy in Mexico. This can theoretically be accomplished with the intervention of the church and by removing voter apathy from the indigenous groups to take a more active role in securing a forum by which their unique needs and ideas can be embraced and worked into democratic governmental policies. Achieving total democratic consolidation will, in some essence, require a more flexible attitude in relation to the central government and elitist groups, however the economic gains achieved by these new attitudes will create a more enhanced Mexico and provide the country with the financial resources necessary to take its place as a progressive, democratic entity in international relations. However, until indigenous groups are given a political identity and are incorporated into the national civic culture and given adequate representation at all levels of the government, democratic consolidation in Mexico will continue to be a painfully slow process or impossible to achieve. References Almond, Gabriel A. and Sidney Verba. 1963. The Civic Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press. In Weingast, B. (1997). “The Political Foundations of Democracy and the Rule of Law”. The American Political Science Review. 91(2): 245-263. Beetham, David. 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