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The Processes and Dynamics of Changes in Police Organizations - Case Study Example

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This paper "The Processes and Dynamics of Changes in Police Organizations"tells us that the processes and dynamics of change in the implementation of police organizations and the effects of organizational, and cultural changes on the performance of police organizations are the broad topics discussed briefly in the paper…
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How can implementing cultural, professional, functional and organizational change improve performance in the police service? 8th April, 2007. The processes and dynamics of change in the implementation and structure of police organizations and the effects of organizational, functional, professional and cultural changes on the performance of police organizations are the broad topics discussed briefly in this paper. The observations of wide-ranging changes to police organizations form the sources of the original research and from which this dissertation has been developed. It has been suggested that theories of these changes are far-off from comprehensive and the phenomenon of ‘change management’ is badly explained – this is being particularly evident regarding police organizations. This paper will conclude with the observation that these implementations will provide a useful background for further development in the performances of police services. Introduction Police tasks and the means of performing those tasks are always being viewed in the context of implementation in their structural, organizational, cultural dynamics, societal and financial areas. Any implementation in these areas is greatly probable to cause successive alterations in the broad structure for the police services. The processes of implementing organizational, structural and cultural changes in the police services however, are far-off from the complete and the observable fact of ‘management’ and it was badly explained. Concerning to the implementations at the overall structural and organizational level and changes at cultural level, there is a dearth of established material in the shape of ‘action guidelines’ for either aspirants or police officers (Evered, 1980). The police being included into the general public also engaged in the course of implementation. Implementations have effects on the responsibilities of police, their organizational structure, their prerequisites and their characteristics and understanding. The expectations concerning the way in which the police force should perform their obligations, the general conditions in which police job is completed, the regulatory structure for acting and the performance of police, have turned out to be more demanding than earlier. Police tasks (the professional responsibility of the police) may be brought up as covering of an extensive range of purposes with a variety of special tasks (Leman-Langlois, S., 1999). It comes under daily jobs, for example, to possibly enter the way with someone’s privileges – this perhaps consist of processes of limitations – or to take steps as a police officer. Furthermore, police everyday tasks are increasingly performed alongside an official environment in UK. On top, police is more painstakingly seen under many aspects of legality. There are some relations between this sort of requirements and great “hopes from the community whose law enforcement agencies – both at organizational and at cultural level – should include the approach that is problem-oriented, take action appropriate to the circumstances, in a skilled way and with wisdom of societal conscientiousness” (Kokoska/Murck, p. 1320). If such requirements are to be met then there is a need of having specific qualifications. Professional police abilities are very important for the development and for performing functional jobs. A detailed official skill is necessary as is the understanding of psychological and societal courses, a sound understanding of communal and as well as political progress. Besides academic and mere cognitive abilities it is also important to be prepared with high standards of inter-personal expertise and individual alertness. Now we’ll discuss the implementation and the effects of aforementioned changes in the police organizations in UK. Cultural Changes Organizational learning, development, and planned change cannot be understood without considering culture as the primary source of resistance to change (Schein, 1992, p. 11). And the outcome for supervisors is that if they do not become aware of the cultures inside which they are entrenched, those cultures will manage them. Culture is developed through its ongoing development of an organization’s aptitude to deal with its tribulations in a manner that fixes its individuality. Even as culture is a universal phenomenon, its main architects are those sitting at the helm of the post (Schein, 1992, p. 10) Researchers frequently argues that because of UK’s police forces’ defining ability to implement as a force, the police have job-related emotional responses that are tending to chip away the new ideas and acts brought in due to the changes took place in culture. Two kinds of change programs have been fundamental in an attempt to democratize the policing culture in public. The first has been to improve the “professionalism” of the community police (see Chan et al., 2003) and, secondly, to make their commitment to the ‘rule of law’ and the ‘code of democratic justice’ stronger that lies behind it. In the past, such attempts were mainly encouraged by the fears of corruption as well as variety of mistreatments of power that happen in tracing the police force objectives — termed as an “organizational police deviance” (Shearing, 1981). Since the last three decades in UK, a more determined model has been made to misrepresent an exemplary move in the way the policing of community is performed. The thought has been to restructure a “long-established” or “specialized” model of police force — where the most important alternative for controlling general public is the making use of punishment or penalty - to a model of “community policing”- where punishment is perceived as the demonstration of other efficient and well-ordered alternatives (Shearing, 1981). Whether one is looking at the importance of change or at the importance on reducing the ‘deviance of police’ organizations in UK or on the more determined and positive significance on the public policing, researchers are biased to be skeptical about the credible achievement of such changes (Mintzberg, 1979). This pessimism and incredulity maximized mainly from the surveillance that culture enters the way. Shearing and Ericson argued that culture is not merely extended through the developments of socialization or through the sets of laws. They argue that police performance and their acts are wrought through the process of storytelling, where officials let each other know the tales about their precedent experiences. These tales “consist of a perception, an emotional response, and an advanced way out of which achievement will cause to flow … devoid of having any alternative to the specific commands” (Shearing & Ericson, 1991: 491). ‘Sequence of events’ is perceived as an essential for extending useful information as they make solid examples of achievement available that the “addressees” can apply similarly to other circumstances (Mintzberg, 1979). The circumstances that addressees encounter in the future will most probably not matching to the previous ones, but a narrative is still appropriate as it endows with a case in point of the most excellent practices, a model to pursue (Shearing & Ericson, 1991: 496–497). Schein (1992) admits that, even with thorough examination, we can only make declarations about different elements of culture, not culture in its entirety. It is tricky to change the culture of the police force except shifting the regulations and set of laws that offer justificatory configuration for unpredicted and ‘atypical’ actions and without bringing in new accounts that honor other emotional responses (Schein, 1992). The issues of how cultural changes effect inside the police organizations has been asked only just in a matter of ‘how to change the organizational culture of the community police’ (Mintzberg, 1979). This is far from of the reality that the backing of order and safety measures is now measured as extremely pluralized, within the range of UK, business and colleague benefaction. This descriptive “approach” is necessary in implementing sound normative systems for police cultural change that are both sensible and advantageous. While conventional State-led change attempts focused on lessening organizational police force deviance and progressing community-policing values that are continues to be large in the UK, concerning of how to work with the gain of other organizational reactions and to set up new organizations in total, necessitate lots of considerations. Organizational Changes The implementations of such changes presently endorsed with a considerable and continued positive effect on police forces in UK and have had a huge, striking and psychologically strong attack on how police officers see their job. In UK, the domestic New Public organizational importance on performance measures, league tables and detection policing units are considered to be “deteriorating” (Dennison & Mishra 1995). The present-day police managements have been questioned as being not responsive to both inner and outer facts. As policing has shifted from imprudent to practical policies, the operational attention has moved from management at the top to management at the bottom, where flexible behavior of front line officials can build a real distinction in terms of the public commitment, prevention and prohibition. Though, it has been argued that modern police organizations in UK continue to be Para-military, centralized in their managerial decisions, structurally standing on two legs, ruling bound, and stuck in influential dealings (Mastrofski, 1998). These restrictions are perceived as obstacles to the development of adaptable, learning organizations that are able to influence their individual property and rightfully acting in response to the dynamics of current societal scenarios (Alarid, 1999). Most of these critics have placed the nexus of the problem and the predicament at the most obvious ‘disconnect’ among conventional hierarchical police force organization and the community-oriented policing system that is very important for the empowerment of the police officials. The other most important hindrance for community-oriented policing system contains getting top officials buy-in for holistic investigative approaches to control the crime. The prevailing influence of knowledge and intelligence-based policing system has only gives more emphasis to the abilities, assurance, and timely executive or decision-making of front line police force (Dennison & Mishra 1995). The problem of how to efficiently slot police workers in the wellbeing and benefit of the organization is also complex by the intrinsic unrestricted character of police efforts. The contradiction of police chain of command is that unrestricted powers that have a propensity for them to be most powerful even at the lowest ranks of the police organizations in UK. Police officials formulate basic judgments regarding their job on the road, far separate from the everlasting inspection of their controllers. They deal with circumstances that frequently tumble into the grey of real trials rather than the black and white of strategy or law books; their judgments regularly opinionated by a variety of extra-legal thoughts (e.g., Bittner, 1967; Wilson, 1968). In this particular sense, it has constantly been somewhat self-illusory to consider that authoritarian management approaches might be booming in either scheming police judgment or enrolling passionate officer support for organizational objectives (Manning, 1977; Wilson, 2000). It may also be well-known that within the police organizations, such kinds of reactions often create enmity towards the source of the apprehension, which may correctly or incorrectly be professed as the change. The results will be reliant fairly on a variety of interrelated issues and challenging organizational objectives such as the protection of service, the prospect of future possible payment, types of jobs etc (Dennison & Mishra 1995). From this brief study, it is proposed that to know and explain the course of implementations in the police organizations, it is essential to think about not only the human reactions to alter, but also the functions and procedures that cause those consequences. Any effort to disentangle the functional processes and structural issues from the societal and emotional characteristics of the police force will effect in an imperfect analysis. So it is proposed that a holistic approach is required in order to recognize and explain the courses of implementations of such practices in law enforcement organizations (Brown and Campbell, 1994). It has also been required to introduce a number of standards of ‘change management’ that are really significant for the organizational performance in police organizations in UK. Communication is an expensive requirement and the nature of the implementations predicted is a central quality of the process (Leman-Langlois, S., 1999). Open-air infrastructure grows out to be very important as the police organization raises in openness and the requirement to exchange information about implementations essential to support efficiency becomes relevant. It is unlikely that a collective approach to such change would be successful in discussing most important, basic modifications, as severely influence the existing norms of the society. As lots of the incentives existed to workable police organizations in UK are not accessible to law enforcement agencies, coercive transformation is essential to quickly assume challenging cultural concerns. It has been argued that the key changes to police organizational structures are a naturally difficult process. It is recommended as extremely uncertain that the required skills for the change processes will be accessible in a lone entity or attentive to a lone personality by a hierarchical organization. Somewhat, the required matching skills and knowledge might be integrated in the perception of change in police teams (Pedler et al 1991). Various changes within special tasks might be achieved by arranging the groups of police officials (Katzenbach and Smith, 1993). Functional Changes Management has been discovered as essential so as to hit the levels of insecurity expected to go along with most important change. The philosophy of successful change management should be functional to individuals and groups facing complicatedness with practicing new actions and functioning within the strange ‘state of affairs’ (Bass 1990). Such type of management will diminish the puzzlement; recover individuals levels of self-worth, thus enhancing the performance of their work. The support of management or a readiness to implement a change by management cannot be understood to be compatible with the analyses of individuals at different functional levels. The dynamic support of police officers is necessary for the satisfactory results of implementation (Leman-Langlois, S., 1999). When considering the various profiles, which the officials of the police should have in the future, then his/her management and specialized skills might not be measured separately from other standards. Those who aspire at practicing the main tasks within or outside the police organization have to ensure that the other associates of this police organization actually pursue them. An exceptional and terrific performance in the police organization may only be attained if the other police members feel satisfaction or if they are positively motivated. It is necessary to implement such a culture which puts a hem on to current community desires. According to this logic, management should primarily consist of a “confidential organizational approach”, “assigning of right tasks”, “exactitude and transparency” and “supporting incentives” (Broadbent et al 2002). Accessible and sincere interpersonal communications are essential for practicing these basics. It implies that to acknowledge the individual patterns of other persons, and to rise with the standards and performance even when these are not equivalent to their personal ones. Furthermore, it is equivalent the worth of other police officials in the organization as individuals and the tasks they are doing, and to manage them notwithstanding their communal standing. It is only probable if a cultural management of public respect and self-worth and joint venture in the teamwork prospered. Team courage and the consciousness of providing ones finest to get shared objectives are the terms of such an organizational change. Self-discipline, support and distrust are not compatible with such a change (Marks, M., 2004). The questions of what the sense of survival of job implies are thus one basic element to successful management and leadership in police organizations. If this issue is not at all answered to a police officer in the police organization or if the answer shows to be substandard, then dissatisfaction and frustration are the results. If a private organization flourishes and foresees a consequential existence and the professional impartation of worthiness does not equal then a gap of incentive will be the consequence (Dennison & Mishra, 1995). This is particular by an approach anticipating to be secured during their equipped times and putting force into leisure time behaviors. Regularly, not really delegated the police officers, the character is actually present there but his mind is not present is the result. The sense of existence is then found superficially, not in the organization (Dennison & Mishra, 1995). As a result, the ability and willingness to make obvious performance are transferred from professional to private life, in the same way the worth of human being as an active member of functioning life goes down for the individuals concerned (Marks, M., 2004). The dropping willingness for performance, though, is not the single effect of the imaginary note to give up. As well, the person concerned presumes an approach like dont bother me and this kind of approach may turn out to be contagious in his operational atmosphere. The environment is cynical and others are highly influenced. Dissatisfaction and tediousness often endorse crowding at the places of work (Marks, M., 2004). The need of an hour is that police officers who are pleased with the other police members within or outside their organization are ‘friends’ and who are able to introduce an accommodating agreement – the police officers who do not polarize but join together, who do not keep them out but entertain and who put into practice rather than putting into effect (Marks, M., 2004). The core element is the internal stance and attitude of the police managers, not only distinguishing the worth of the workers performance and other police officials working for them but value the self-respect of the individual as a human being. Such an attitude with the other human beings necessitates the leadership skills, which are greatly inherent in the character. Such as, attentiveness for accepting, fairness and honesty (this isn’t equivalent to that all character qualities should have been cultured), give and take, a strong sense of self-confidence on one hand and inter-personal abilities on the other, the capabilities of handling conflicts and frustration tolerance on the other (Schein, 1992). The maximum of individual participation is a must for such determined prospect. In the long run it is every person’s everyday jobs to with himself or herself and also a durable implementation process. In such circumstances, it has been instituted one additional answer to the issue of which measures the police force as a guidance giver should trust when it comes to the management of the police: police officers not only have a extensive range of specialized expertise. It is a key component of their ability to have experienced communal and inter-personal expertise which facilitates them to carry out management procedures in a civilized way (Schein, 1992). Professional Changes Police officials are expected to put academic frameworks into practice that hold current management models like learning organizations, liberal leadership, or in consensus form (Mintzberg, 1979). Even though the majority of police decision-makers in UK would have the same opinion with the row over building more adapting organizations, they understand that the complexity lies in implementation or changes and the ability to have an effect on the performance and approaches of managers to make those changes possible. As leaders describe the visualization of the police organization, they also have to organize methods to drive those changes. Police officials are well-acquainted with the reality that first-line superintendents are accountable for implementation of such changes and making certain strategy fulfillment of the operational police units. However, if the officials are not well-prepared and educated by the supervisory, they will certainly be unsuccessful to endow senior officials with the underlying principle for managerial change, impeding implementation by the police managers. It is imperative to make out that the pace of professional transformation is not largely driven by functional measures but, to a certain extent, by the affecting vow to, or rights of, the vision. The police officials have to stimulate such change in senior police officials, and this can only take place when the small officials trust in the vision and are keyed up on those changes (Mintzberg, 1979). As per this approach, we have to take a look closely at the workforce of the police organizations in UK and of the public prosecutors office. Their cultural background, which is their basic hypotheses, their standards and modes of thoughts, shape the performance of the human being with the structure of the police, approach and peripheral form of the police organizations. In due course, the good organization and the effectiveness of their work center at least partially on this culturalistics conditions and backgrounds. Particularly significant are those diverse ideas of regulation and their relevance in the particular cultural background (Schein, 1992). Schein defines the culture of a group as: "A pattern of shared basic assumptions that the group learned as it solved its problems of external adaptation and internal integration that has worked well enough to be considered valid and, therefore, to be taught to new members as the correct way to perceive, think, and feel in relation to those problems.” For lots of grounds, the UK’s official and police force cultures are not all the same and perhaps it is not even a good suggestion to try to regulate them. Relatively, it is necessary to counter the inconsistencies in the real performance and in the appliance of regulation grounded by the variety of cultures. This is from where the inter-cultural human resource organization should interfere. It must illustrate from the affluence and variety of police cultures in United Kingdom so as to counterfeit inter-cultural aptitudes for an efficient work in a spirit of colleagueship, as well as, by doing this, make feasible and creative group effort within the state. As a result, the objective of an inter-cultural HR organization for the European security management is not the standing of their cultural differences, but rather the approaching into the cultural backgrounds of the events and performance of the law enforcement organizations (Bass and Stogdill, 1990). The police have been questioned on their structural levels in three respects. The first one concerns the relations between the different levels of the police. No matter what the managerial structure of United Kingdom, various reforms have been seen over the past few years: merging of police departments, establishment of a community police, and transference of police management towards various sections and departments or towards neighborhoods (Bass and Stogdill, 1990). The second feature concerns the links between the different public police organizations. National police of UK had to create new collaborative mechanisms, due to the impact of failed and at times greatly exposed inquiries, and the appearance of difficult issues such as violence and large-scale crime. Better distribution of information and further flexible management styles have to be developed, ensuing in more flexibility and decentralized administrative processes increasingly replacing the more conventional approaches of hierarchical and inflexible administration. Lastly, the third facet concerns the enlargement of new professions inside or every so often beside the police, such as “community safety officers”, etc. How to measure success? As the movement toward change in policing system is far-off from an unadulterated “crime-fighting” replica carries on, police sectors have tried to find new ways of measuring the performance of police organizations in UK. Long-established performance measures, e.g., the rates of criminal activities, arrests, the rates of clearance, and answer times, are still utilized on a regular basis. Present-day researchers place their argument that these above-mentioned measures of performance are inadequate and are restricted because they “are unsuccessful to imprison lots of significant offerings that police forces make to the excellence of life” (Alpert and Moore, 1993:110). The issue of professional accountability is linked with the domestic managerial aspects for instance the evaluation of the police organization’s performance in general and of all police officers separately, and to outer managerial aspects such as affairs with the community and with government-funding institutes (Schein, 1992). Elaborating indicators, setting performance measures and standardizing or benchmarking have turned out to be the fundamental issues in the past few years, particularly in United Kingdom. Along with the main concerns are the following: how and on what foundation is the successful sharing of the sources being determined? How can the performance of police organizations be weighed up or evaluated? How can the financial performance of police interferences be measured? Corruption is an imperative concern in various states. It is less structural and yet present in various police organizations in UK. Also, reverence of basic human rights concerning the making use of power for example, remains a significant concern. How are mistreatments and misuses acknowledged? What reactions should be offered? And given the significance of self-assurance in the ability to sustain the ‘rule of law’, encourage respect for the regulation, and maturely partake in the creation of communal safety. How can confidence be established between populace and the public police organizations when it has been mired? More explicitly, developing good affairs with the community lifts particular concerns regarding particular sections of the community. This is particularly holds true when one thinks about concerns of “racial profiling” or inflicting curfews for youth. The subsequent set of questions concern the processes which have been widened or established in the past few years, together with techniques such as the mapping of crimes and investigation, and more commonly problem-solving with more classy use of information technologies. However, their utilization remains dispersed and facts imply that problem-solving approaches have a tendency to focus on ‘quick-fix solutions’, rather than those lasting approaches dealing with the root causes evils (Schein, 1992). How can the utilization of problem-solving methods be enhanced? What type of education will be helpful so as to make their use more organized and efficient? The training of the Police continues to lift many queries, particularly in areas such as defensive, public or analytical policing which are to be taught in police training schools but have a tendency to not survive easily solid policing understanding in the field. On the other hand, conventional approaches to the management of the police and crime-control strategies are rather unsuited with current police training. Away from the educational training of police officials, what other techniques for professional teaching might help link the increasing gap between hypothesis and practice? Conclusion So far the studies of the relative approaches of measuring the effects of organizational, functional, cultural and professional changes have recommended that they are tangled in a ‘working-together’ correspondence. The change approach, by building its studies of policing systems throughout the conceptions of change in structures and functions, focuses its consideration on the association between law enforcement organizations, state and culture. Police is basically state organizations which, in quest of legality for its measures, have effect on the performance and legitimacy of the nation all together. For that reason, the models of police organizations are at variance from one another by the extent of dependence of the legality of police force on the ways towards that of the country. The cultural approach includes an additional aspect to that association. It sustains that the power, configuration and function of police organizations is also influenced by the cultural and societal trends regulated by the police. This has caused the foreword of implementing change on two stages – firstly, researches on police organizations would encompass a study of the communal impact of policing system and the societal environment and secondly, policing system itself makes up another small culture which has substantial effects in shaping the strategies and performance of officials involved in it. Thus both of these approaches balance each other in an endeavor to conduct a broad study of policing system as possible. These aforementioned approaches would prove to be helpful in the analysis of policing system transformation in UK. The study of the association among the police force and the administration, and sequentially, among the law enforcement agencies and the public, would help understanding different processes of structural, organizational, cultural and professional transformations in UK. Alternatively, the examination of the cultural and sub-cultural distinctiveness which describe policing models and play a vital part in its alterations would help comprehending the cooperative association that lies in the middle of the police force and the communal setting. In this way, such implementations of changes offer plenty of experiential information and academic studies that would serve as a basis on which to construct culturally-responsive police organizations. It would come into view that the achievement of policing change in UK does not depend entirely on the discerning request of a `Western understanding. The relevance of technology and the importance on financial accountability of law enforcement activities are of only two characteristics which have been approved and legitimated by the decision-makers and the intellectuals in the “post-socialist” cultures. The societal, financial and educational quirks in UK have increased main concerns which consecutively are expressing changes in the police organizations towards the institution of a ‘culturally-responsive model’. To this level, implementations of such changes in UK are proven to be at an obvious gain. It might take advantage from the experience of policing system in the ‘democratically-developed’ countries and at the same time keep away from the wrong steps placed by its Western counterpart. References: Evered, R. (1980). Consequences of and Prospects for Systems Thinking. In: Cummings, T.G. Chichester: Wiley. Leman-Langlois, S. (1999). Problematization and Representation: Social Institutions as Ongoing Narrative Productions. Centre of Criminology, University of Toronto. Toronto.  Kokoska/Murck; Kniesel/Kube/Murck (Hg.): Handbuch für Führungskräfte der Polizei, Lübeck 1996. Chan, J., Devery, C. & Doran, S. (2003), Fair Cop: Learning the Art of Policing, University of Toronto Press, Toronto/Buffalo, NY/London. Shearing, C. (1981), Introduction, in: Organizational Police Deviance, Butterworths, Toronto. Mintzberg, Henry. 1979. The Structuring of Organizations. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Shearing, C. & Ericson, R. (1991), “Culture as figurative action”, British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 42, no. 4, pp. 481–506. Dennison, D. R., Mishra, A.K. (1995). Toward a theory of organizational culture and effectiveness.  Organization Science, 6, 204-223. Bittner, E. (1967). The police on skid-row: A study in peace keeping. American Sociological Review, 32(5), 699-715. Wilson, J.Q. (1968). Varieties of police behavior: The management of law and order in eight communities. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Manning, P. (1977), Police Work: The Social Organization of Policing, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Mastrofski, S. D. (1998). Community policing and police organizational structure. In J. Brodeur (Ed.) How to recognize good policing: problems and issues (pp. 161-189). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Alarid, L.F. (1999). Law enforcement departments as learning organizations: Argyris’s theory as a framework for implementing community-oriented policing. Police Quarterly, 2(3), 321–337. Brown, J. & Campbell, E. (1990). Sources of occupational stress in the police. Work Stress, 4, 305-318. Pedler, M. Burgoyne, J., & Boydell, T. (1991). The Learning Company, A Strategy for Sustainable Development. McGraw-Hill, London. Katzenbach, J.R. & Smith, D.K. (1993). The Wisdom of Teams, Creating the High- Performance Organisation. New York: Harper Collins. Broadbent, J. and Laughlin, R. (2002) in K. McLaughlin, S.P. Osborne and E. Ferlie (eds.) New Public Management: Current Trends and Future Prospects, pp. 95-108. London: Routledge. Marks, M. (2004). "Researching Police Transformation." British Journal of Criminology 44: 866-888 Schein, Edgar. 1992. Organizational Culture and Leadership, Second Edition. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Bass, B. M. (1990). Bass & Stogdills Handbook of Leadership, Theory, Research and Managerial Applications - 3rd Edition. London: Collier Macmillan. Alpert, Geoffrey P. and Mark H. Moore. 1993. “Measuring Police Performance in the New Paradigm of Policing.” Pp. 109-140 in Performance Measures for the Criminal Justice System, edited by the Bureau of Justice Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice. Read More
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