Politics and Economy of the Contemporary Middle East - Essay Example

The Arab Uprising The Arab uprising is one that led to many changes in the Middle East political structures. The goal of the revolutionaries at the time was to create a country that would oust the autocratic governments in power and provide a democratic space for the citizens. Most of those in power were unwilling to let go off their authority, and the only way of making them leave their power seats was through a revolution. This was going to be difficult but people were willing to bring change to their countries if they were not going to get it without war. This meant that most of the revolutionaries were killed, others jailed while others were maimed as the leaders tried to repress the uprisings. The main question is whether the uprisings were effective in meeting their goals. The people were not aware that after the revolution they would have to rebuild their countries. The revolution was experienced differently across different countries and the effects were felt across the region due to the destabilisation of trade and political sphere. The Essence of the Revolution The revolution that started in Egypt and Tunisia was unexpected and many were caught unawareness because of the number of people that came out to support the calls for change in the countries. This triggered a wave of pro-democracy protests across the region, with many achieving their goals. Essentially, the two countries had similar problems facing them mainly social-economic grievances and political objectives (Beinin & Vairel 2011:150). They knew that the only way of attaining their freedom was by changing the political class and instituting change starting from the highest office in the country. The major problem especially amongst the Tunisians and Egyptians was not that the economy was falling, their living standards were. The poor were experiencing harder economic times and the richer were enjoying the spoils without caring about those at the bottom (Anantram, Chase-Dunn & Reese 2010:605). A combination of high inflation rates, decreasing wages and high unemployment amongst the middle and poor classes was disturbing. The people wanted changes but the government was not listening to the people. The leaders were buys looking the other side instead of creating platforms to improve the lives of their people. The demographic growths were also a point of concern because the jobs created were for the low-skilled and low-wage earners, yet the number was stagnant despite an increase in the population. Political oppression and repression was another cause of the revolution. Many of the basic freedoms were non-existent in these countries, and the leaders in power did everything to show their power across the country. Tunisians had few freedoms under Ben Ali, and were willing to give all they had to get more and survive the tyranny projected by the leader. Egypt was a little bit of a democratic icon in the region, though the government had started muzzling the media, manipulating parliamentary elections, and clamping down on public protests to prevent activists and lobbyists from agitating or more rights (Anantram, Chase-Dunn & Reese 2010:608). Police brutality and abuse of power was now becoming a common aspect in these countries, with corruption being on the rise in government institutions. The poor and those without the means of getting assistance from the government despite being a right felt powerless and aliened. This led to the need for better as they chose the themes of dignity and pride to articulate their messages and desire during the protests (Lynch 2011:110). The pride the Egyptians had under the ruler Nasser was slowly being lost in the Mubarak regime. The world considered the country a beacon of hope and an increasingly independent Arab world with so much potential. Western countries such as the US, Britain and France had ties with the countries based on the strategic position and the influence it had in the region (Beinin & Vairel 2011:155). Mubarak was watering all this down by lowering the principles and making the independence of the country something difficult to take pride in. They felt that Mubarak was wrong in aligning with the US, yet the assertive countries such as Turkey were gaining international respect for having a firm stand against what they felt as intrusion from foreigners. Mubarak also kept economic ties with the Israelis and that was seemingly shameful amongst the ordinary Egyptians. They wanted to reclaim their position in the global arena, and Mubarak was not giving them a chance to do so. The lack of decisiveness in having foreign policies the citizens would agree with was another impetus for the uprising (Prashad 2012:129). By concentrating on economic deficit, freedom deficit and dignity deficit, the protestors were able to maintain cohesion and avoid divisive politics. They had no specific religious or political agendas but rather wanted an end to corruption, the regime, high prices of food, neo-liberalism, tutelage of international community, and an increase in wages. The uprisings were similar in their organisation. They were spontaneous after being organised by middle class youth using the social media tools such as twitter and Facebook (Prashad 2012:132). They garnered so much support and the calls were supported by many who came to agitate for their rights. The meetings and protests were all coordinated through the media and the peaceful protests that started initially quickly turned into chaos as the police began dispersing the crowds. Did the Revolutions Work? This is a question difficult to answer because of the mixed reactions amongst the involved nations. The aim from the start was to do away with oppressive regimes and get better representations in the democratic process. The countries were looking for a way of creating nations that would make it easier for the people to be inclusive of the government without any limitations. Some like Tunisia managed to get a chance to stabilise their country and encourage the first democratically held elections without Ben Ali in power (Lynch 2011:112; Alexander 2010:369). Libya descended into chaos as different factions within the country sought to grab territories for purposes of self-autonomy. Yemen also descended into chaos, giving room for the harbouring of various groups to seek a share of the national resources. Egypt is a good example of how badly a revolution can go where the only thing that happens is overthrowing those in power using protests. Despite the promise of the one in power, the people have become so impatient (Bhardwaj 2012:78-82). The Egyptians seem to have missed the goals of the revolution because after the Mubarak regime was out, peace became a fragile quality in the country. The events that followed seem to have made it more difficult for the people to express themselves as the successive governments sought to decrease the involvement of the public in national affairs (West 2011:220). The government that took over immediately after the fall of the Mubarak regime arrested and imprisoned millions of protestors who were unhappy with the way the government was being run. The Muslim Brotherhood was declared a terrorist group and members were imprisoned using harsh military laws (Cannistraro 2011:40-1). The freedom of speech was limited as well to assist contain the country and the situation as a whole. The political attributes of the new regime were slowly getting worse than protestors and citizens fought for during the uprising. The main thought was that the toppling of the authoritarian regime would speed the creation of a democratic regime. The patience was lacking to build a strong government after the revolution (Bhardwaj 2012:82). The activists were quick to bash the bash the leaders and seek to overthrow them without giving them the chance even to settle in their jobs. Seemingly, the revolutionaries were looking for quick fixes to issues that had affected them for several years in their own countries (Hinnebusch 2012:102). The economic issues the revolutionaries wanted sorted out were not easy to settle because the unstable political atmosphere was non-conducive for the country as a whole (Breisinger et al. 2011:123). The idea was to create a regime that would support the very poor in the society, allowing them to create an environment that boost trade and job creation. The protestors in countries such as Egypt were always on the roads protesting rather than giving their governments a chance to actualise their plans (West 2011:225). The economic activities took a nosedive as investors began running away from the country and seeking various avenues of growth. The people continued to suffer because the money they expected to devolve was suddenly not available due to the insistent fights. The economy was still on the negative side and the gains made in the past were slowly eroding (Keen 2011:152). Libya had been stable under Gaddafi though the toppling of his regime led to the wars across the country. The oil-rich country could no longer sustain its needs and more people joined the wars in a bid to get a portion of the resources left. The instability in the country has housed many insurgent groups as they seek to create a platform for their attacks and training in these unstable economies (Hinnebusch 2012:105). As such, the growth of the economy in these countries under the Arab upspring is still a pipe dream that will only be realised if the countries managed to make good use of their resources and harness their growth towards a better future. The political stability of these nations will be essential in determining the role of growth in the country as well as the development of the people. The important thing is to enhance the role of the society in meeting the goals of those it seeks to protect (Beinin & Vairel 2011:192). Muzzling the media does not offer any peace to those who think the government wants to hide behind the newfound authority. These freedoms may be few but it is important for the society to know of their existence (Dabashi 2012:88). This way, they are aware of their rights and can express themselves and deal with issues that will satisfy the needs of the people. An all-inclusive government is an important start, with civilian governments having a better backing amongst the people (Brownlee, Masoud & Reynolds 2013:56). Instead of forcing candidates on the people, it is important to create a platform for the people to make good use of the resources in place. Conclusion The role of the Arab uprising is difficult to pinpoint for some of the countries. However, there is some hope that the countries will attain that which they desire while they wait for a democratic process that will allow them to participate in the building of the nation, its economy, and social structures. Regimes that oppress their citizens risk such uprisings, but it is important to also have patience and accord them a chance to deal with the issues that affect them. The political freedoms are yet to be achieved fully amongst these countries, while the economic freedoms will only come as the political atmosphere becomes favourable for investors. The dignity issue also depends on the democratic freedoms. References Alexander, C. (2010) Tunisia: Stability and Reform in the Modern Maghreb. New York: Routledge. Anantram, K, Chase-Dunn, C and Reese, E. (2010) ‘Global Civil Society and the World Forum’, in The Routledge International Handbook of Globalisation Studies, ed.) Bryan S. Tuner, pp. 604-621, Routledge. Beinin, J & Vairel, F. (2011) Social Movements, Mobilisation, and Contestation in the Middle East and North Africa, Stanford, CA, Stanford University press Bhardwaj, M. (2012) ‘Development of Conflict in Arab Spring Libya and Syria: From Revolution to Civil War’, The Washington University International Review, Vol. 1, Spring, pp.76-97 Breisinger, C. et al. (2011) Economics of the Arab Awakening: From Revolution to Transformation and Food Security, May 2011, Washington DC: IFPR Brownlee, J, Masoud, T & Reynolds, A. (2013) The Arab Spring: the politics of transformation in North Africa and the Middle East. Oxford: Oxford University Press Cannistraro, V. (2011) Arab Spring: A Partial Awakening, Mediterranean Quarterly, vol. 22 no. 4, pp. 36-45. Dabashi, H. (2012) The Arab Spring: the end of post colonialism, New York: Palgrave Macmillan Hinnebusch, R. (2012) ‘Syria: from Authoritarian Upgrading to Revolution?’, International Affairs, vol. 88, no. 1, pp. 95-113. Keen, S. (2011) ‘Debunking Macroeconomics’, Economic Analysis and Policy, vol.41 no.3, pp.147-167 Lynch, M. (2011) The Arab uprising: the unfinished revolutions of the New Middle East, public affairs New York: McGraw Hill. Prashad, V. (2012) Arab Spring, Libyan Winter, Oakland: AK Press Publishing & Distribution West, J. (2011) Karama!: journeys through the Arab Spring exhilarating encounters with those who sparked a revolution, Mason, OH: Heron Books. Read More